tberoes  of  tbe  IRations 


EDITED    BY 

Evelyn  Ilbbott,  /ID.B. 

FELLOW  OF  BALLIOL  COLLEGE,  OXFORD 


FACTA   DUCIS  VIVENT,    OPEROSAQUE 
GLORIA  RERUM.— OVID,    IN   LIVIAM,  265. 
THE   HERO'S   DEEDS  AND   HARD-WON 
FAME  SHALL  LIVE. 


THE  CID  CAMPEADOR 


CrontcaDcLA  f^mofo  am 

■:^.ttcro£iOlfT\uyot0 


c  ^  ^  t '  ( ' ' 


TITLE   PAGE  OF  CHRONICLE  OF  THE  CID. 


THE  CID  CAMPEADOR 


AND  THE  WANING  OF  THE  CRESCENT 
IN  THE  WEST 


BY 


H.  BUTLER  CLARKE,  M.A. 

FEREDAY   FELLOW   OF   ST.   JOHn's   COLLEGE,    OXFORD  ;  CORRESPONDING 

MEMBER    OF   THE    ROYAL    ACADEMY   OF    HISTORY,    MADRID  ; 

SOCIEDAD   ECOn6mICA,    MATRITENSE,  ETC. 


with  illustrations  from  drawings  by 
Don  Santiago  Arcos 


G.   P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

NEW   YORK  LONDON 

27  WEST  TWENTY-THIKU  STREET  24  BEDFORD  STREET,  STRAND 

SDIje  linickerbochrr  |)rfss 
1S97 


Copyright,  iSgj 

BY 

G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 
Entered  at  Stationers'  Hall,  London 


ee     •••  c**»e 


Ube  Itnicfterbocher  Ureas,  flew  JCorft 


y^K  ^^(Msyfe^-ainM^fli  45^40^1 


u^iL^mm(^='''^M^'Mii 


PREFACE.  >M>q/A/ 


AS  SPAIN  differs  from  all  other  lands,  so  does 
the  national  hero  stand  out  in  strong  contrast 
with  the  heroes  of  other  nations,  embodying 
in  himself  the  distinctive  character  of  her  people. 
Some  there  are  among  heroes  who  are  so  pecul- 
iarly the  product  of  a  race  and  age  that  to 
transplant  them,  even  in  imagination,  would  be 
impossible.  Bayard,  for  instance,  is  the  typical 
Frenchman  of  his  century ;  others,  like  Charles  the 
Fifth,  or  Peter  the  Great,  seem  to  belong  only  ac- 
cidentally to  the  place  and  time  in  which  they 
won  their  fame.  Had  Peter  the  Great  been  born 
King  of  England,  he  would  have  been  one  of  the 
greatest  of  her  kings  in  the  same  way  as  he  was 
one  of  the  greatest  of  the  Czars  of  Russia.  The 
Cid  belongs  to  the  former  kind  of  heroes.  *'  Dura 
tclbis  Iberice "  sang  one  who  knew  the  land  well, 
for  keen  is  the  air,  harsh  and  wild  the  scenery  of 
the  greater  part  of  Spain,  and  grave  even  to  grim- 
ness  the  frank  and  manly  character  of  the  Castillian 
Spaniard.  Below  the  surface  lie  beliefs  strong  to 
fanaticism,  a  powerful  if  somewhat  gloomy  imagina- 
tion, and  depths  of  passion  and  tenderness  seldom 
explored,  even  as  in  Sierra  Nevada  the  rich,  warm 

86G156 


iv  Preface. 

valleys  nestle  unsuspected  beneath  the  snowy  peaks. 
And  this  imagination  it  is  that,  working  upon  an  old 
and  half-forgotten  story,  has  produced  the  Cid,  the 
national  hero.  In  him  the  nation  saw  reflected  its 
own  bold,  independent  spirit,  its  valour  and  its  man- 
liness, and  in  course  of  time  added  from  its  own 
heart  the  religious  fervour,  chivalrous  feeling,  patriot- 
ism and  loyalty  that  had  sprung  up  in  a  gentler  age 
than  that  of  Rodrigo  de  Bivar.  Thus  it  is  necessary 
to  understand  both  the  Cid  of  history,  a  shadowy  per- 
son the  finer  shades  of  whose  character  have  faded 
in  the  past,  and  the  Cid  of  legend,  the  creation  as 
well  as  the  model  of  Spaniards  of  a  later  time. 
The  former,  so  far  as  we  know  him,  is  unfit  to  be  the 
hero  of  a  great  nation,  but  his  compatriots  soon  for- 
got his  cruelty,  his  selfish  ambition  and  lack  of 
patriotism,  and  remembering  only  his  heroic  valour 
and  his  efforts  in  a  great  cause,  they,  by  the  mouth 
of  the  ministrels  endowed  him  with  all  the  virtues 
and  graces.  The  Cid,  then,  is  a  name  round  which 
the  Spaniards  have  grouped  the  qualities  they  most 
admire,  rather  than  an  actual  person  who  possessed 
these  qualities ;  his  legend  is  not  the  conscious  crea- 
tion of  one  mind  or  onetime,  but  a  successive  growth, 
in  which  may  be  traced,  from  the  twelfth  to  the 
seventeenth  century,  the  evolution  of  a  popular 
ideal.  Thus  it  is  that  the  rough  and  turbulent  free- 
booter, the  destroyer  of  churches  whose  lance  was 
equally  at  the  service  of  Moor  or  Christian — provided 
the  pay  were  good — has  become  with  time  the  pat- 
tern of  religious  zeal,  the  mirror  of  chivalry,  the  type 
of  patriotism,  the  champion  of  popular  rights,  and  the 


Preface, 


model  of  unquestioning  loyalty,  as  understood  by  the 
Spaniards  of  the  seventeenth  century.  Still  stranger 
is  the  transformation  he  has  undergone  in  literature, 
for  Corneille  sent  him  forth  into  the  world  at  large, 
speaking  and  feeling  as  a  French  courtier.  To  at- 
tempt to  reconcile  these  opposite  characters  and 
stories  would  be  useless.  To  omit  either  would  be 
to  sacrifice  history  altogether,  or  else  to  leave  unex- 
plained the  Cid's  claim  to  his  position  and  fame. 

The  age  of  the  Cid  has  left  us  scarcely  a  monu- 
ment, inscription,  or  illustrated  document  bearing 
upon  his  history.  In  order  to  illustrate  the  present 
volume  I  have  been  obliged  to  have  recourse  to 
drawings  of  places  by  my  friend  Don  Santiago  Arcos, 
in  whose  company  I  visited  the  most  famous  sites 
connected  with  the  history  of  the  Cid,  maps,  and 
facsimiles  of  documents  and  coins. 

In  telling  the  same  story,  though  at  much  greater 
length,  I  have  closely  followed  Professor  R.  Dozy. 
Those  who  are  familiar  with  his  works,  the  titles  of 
which  are  quoted  in  my  list  of  authorities,  will  readily 
see  how  much  I  owe  to  him.  Wherever  possible  I 
have  gone  to  original  sources,  Spanish,  Latin  or 
Arabic,  but  I  have  found  that  to  differ  from  him  was 
rash,  to  improve  upon  his  work  impossible.  I  trust 
I  shall  not  be  accused  of  presumption  in  giving  my 
own  translation  of  some  passages  from  Arabic  authors 
quoted  in  his  works.  I  am  aware  that  as  an  Arabic 
scholar  he  was  unrivalled,  but  it  has  seemed  to  me 
that  English  often  admits  of  a  more  literal  rendering 
than  French. 

My    best    thanks    are    due    to    Mr.    Wentworth 


VI 


Preface. 


Webster  and  Miss  Florence  Freeman  for  many 
valuable  suggestions  and  much  kind  help  with  my 
proofs  ;  also  to  Mr.  Bernard  Quaritch  for  generously 
lending  rare  and  costly  books  from  his  splendid 
collection. 


COIN    OF   SANCHO    RAMIREZ    OF    ARAGON. 


Mi^^Mk^ii^Mi^mm^mjk^ 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   I. 

PAGE 

SPAIN     FROM      THE      SARACEN      CONQUEST     TO     THE 

TIME  OF  THE  CID.       (7II-IO35)  ...  I 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE  ANCESTRY  AND  NAMES  OF  THE  CID;  LEGEND- 
ARY ACCOUNTS  OF  HIS  YOUTHFUL  EXPLOITS. 
(1035-I066) 27 

CHAPTER  III. 
REIGN    OF    DON    SANCHO.       (1065-IO72)    ...         65 

CHAPTER  IV. 

ACCESSION    OF   DON    ALFONSO    AND   BANISHMENT    OF 

THE    CID.       (1072-1081)     .....       100 

CHAPTER  V. 
THE    CID    IN    EXILE.       (1081-I085)    ....       121 

CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  CONQUESTS  OF  ALFONSO  AND  CONDITION  OF 
THE  SARACEN  PRINCES  OF  THE  SOUTH.  (1082- 
1085) 141 

vii 


Vlll 


Contents. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


PAGE 


THE    ALMORAVIDES  IN  SPAIN BATTLE    OF   ZALACA. 

(1085-1086) 161 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

RECONCILIATION  BETWEEN  THE  CID  AND  KING 
ALFONSO  ;  YUSUf's  RETURN  TO  SPAIN  ;  THE 
CID  AGAIN  OUTLAWED.       (1086-IO92)         .  .       172 

CHAPTER  IX. 

CONQUESTS  OF  THE  ALMORAVIDES  IN  ANDALUSIA  ; 
ALFONSO  AND  THE  CID  UNITE  THEIR  FORCES. 
(1086-IO92)        .......       205 

CHAPTER  X. 

THE     REVOLUTION     AT    VALENCIA   ;      IBN-JEHAF     AS 

GOVERNOR  ;    THE  FIRST  SIEGE.       (1092-IO93)     .       224 

CHAPTER  XI. 

THE     CID     BESIEGES     VALENCIA      FOR     THE     SECOND 

TIME.       (1093-IO94)  .....       248 

CHAPTER  XII. 

SURRENDER  OF  VALENCIA  TO  THE  CID ORGANISA- 
TION OF  THE  CITY  UNDER  HIS  RULE.  (1094- 
1097) 272 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  LEGEND  OF  THE  MARRIAGE  OF  THE  CID's 
DAUGHTERS  WITH  THE  COUNTS  OF  CARRION. 
(1095-IO97) 306 


Contents.  ix 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

PAGE 

THE      LAST      BATTLES     AND     DEATH     OF     THE      CID. 

(1096-IO99) 331 

APPENDIX  I. 
CHALLENGES     AND     JUDICIAL     COMBATS      BETWEEN 

NOBLEMEN .       Tyd^i 

APPENDIX  II. 
THE    LAWS    OF     BANISHMENT    AND    OUTLAWRY  .       37I 

APPENDIX  III. 

A    RITUALISTIC    CONTROVERSY     IN    THE    ELEVENTH 

CENTURY 375 

Index 377 


COIN  OF  SANCHO  IV.  OF  NAVARRE. 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


TITLE-PAGE    OF    "  CHRONICLE    OF    THE    CID  "     FrOllHspiece 

CHURCH    OF    SAN    ISIDORO  (lEOn)      ....  52 

PANTEON     DE     LOS     REYES,    THE    BURIAL-PLACE     OF 

THE    ANCIENT   KINGS   OF   LEON  ...         64 

THE    WALLS    OF    ZAMORA 78 

CROSS    MARKING     THE     SPOT     WHERE     DON     SANCHO 

DIED    (zAMORa) 92 

SANTIAGO.     FROM  A  MEDALLION  IN  THE  CHURCH  OF 

SANTA  GADEA  (bURGOS) IO4 

MOORISH    GATEWAY  (bURGOS)  .  .  .  .       I06 

FACSIMILE  OF  LATIN  CHRONICLE  CALLED  "gESTA 
RODERICI."  FROM  THE  LIBRARY  OF  THE  ROYAL 
ACADEMY    OF    HISTORY,  MADRID  .  .  .       J  lO 

THE  COFFER  OF  THE  CID,  PRESERVED  IN  THE  CLOIS- 
TER OF  THE  CATHEDRAL  OF  BURGOS  .  .       I18 

MAP  OF  SPAIN,  FROM  THE  FALL  OF  THE  DYNASTY  OF 
THE  UMMEYAHS  TO  THE  BATTLE  OF  ZALACA 
(1086) t68 

interior  of  the  roman  theatre  at  sagunto 

(murviedro) 190 

xi 


xli  Ilhist7^ations. 


PAGE 

CEBOLLA,   OR    EL   PUIG 232 

GATEWAY    ON    SITE    OF    ANCIENT    PUERTA    DE    SER- 

RANOS  (VALENCIA) 254 

FACSIMILE     OF     MS.    "  POEMA     DEL     CID."       BY     KIND 

PERMISSION    OF    MARQUES    DE    VIDAL  .  .       296 

BEIREN,    THE    SCENE    OF    THE    CID's    LAST    VICTORY 

(near  gandia) 332 

the  hill  and  castle  of  murviedro  .         .     334 

map  of  valencia  and  its  district  at  the  time 

of  the  almoravides 340 

SAN    PEDRO   DE   CARDE5JA 342 

SIGNATURE    OF    EN    JAIME,    SECOND    CONQUEROR    OF 

VALENCIA 362 


LIST  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  AUTHORITIES  CONSULTED 
IN  THE  COMPOSITION  OF  THE    PRESENT  WORK. 


N.  B. — Many  documents,  Arabic,  Spanish,  and  Latin,  not  men- 
tioned separately,  are  given  by  Dozy,  Molina,  Florez,  and  Riscoin  the 
volumes  mentioned  below,  among  them  the  very  important  twelfth 
century  Latin  chronicle  known  as  Gesta  Roderici. 


Alfonso  el  Sabio.  Crdnica  de 
Espaiia.  ed.  Florian  Docam- 
po.     Zamora,  1 541. 

Al-makkari.  History  of  the  Mo- 
hammedan Dynasties  of  Spain. 
trans.  P.  de  Gayangos.  Lon- 
don, 1841. 

Archiepiscopi  Roderici  Rertim 
in  Hispania  gestarum  Chroni- 
con.  apud  Schott.  Hispaniae 
Illustratae.     Frankfort,  1608. 

Berganza,  (R.  P.  F.).  Antigiieda- 
des  de  Espaha.     Madrid,  1719. 

Casiri,  (M.).  Bibliotheca  Ara- 
bico-Hispana  Escurialensis. 
Matriti,  1760-1770. 

Chronica  del  favioso  Caballero 
Cid  Rudiez  Campeador.  ed. 
Huber.     Stuttgart,  1853. 


Conde,  (J.  A.).  Historia  de  la 
Dominacidn  de  los  Arabes  en 
Espaiia.     Madrid,  1861. 

Crdnica  Rimada.  ed.  F.  Michel. 
Jahrbucher  der  Literatur. 
Wien,  1848. 

Dozy,  (R.).  Histoire  des  Musid- 
mans  d'Espagne.  Leyde,  1 86 1 . 

Dozy,  (R.).  Recherches  sur  V His- 
toire politique  ei  litteraire  de 
VEspagne.     Leyde,  1881. 

Dozy,  (R.).  Scriptorum  Ara- 
bum  loci  de  Abbadidis.  Lug- 
duni  Batav,  1846. 

Fernandez  y  Goanzlez,  (F.).  Los 
Mudejares  de  Castilla.  Mad- 
rid, 1866. 

Florez,  (R.  P.  A.).  Espana  Sag- 
rada.       Madrid,  1752-18S0. 


XIV 


Aitthorities. 


Hiiber,   (Dr.  B.  A.).      Geschichte 

des  Cid  Ruy  Diaz  Campeador. 

Bremen,  1829. 
Lucas  de  Tuy.  Chroiiicon  Mundi. 

apud  Schott.     Hispanias  Illus- 

tratae.     Frankfort,  1608, 
Masdeu,  (R.  P.  J.  F.).    Hisioria 

crt'tica   de    Espafia.       Madrid, 

1783-1805. 
Molina,  (M.  Malo  de).     Rodrigo 

el  Campeador.     Madrid,  1857, 


Poetna  del  Cid.  ed.  Karl  Voll- 
moller.      Halle,  1879. 

Risco,  (R.  P.  M.)  La  Castilla 
y  el  771  as  fa77ioso  Caste  llano. 
Madrid,    1792. 

Ro77iancero  General,  ed.  Agustin 
Duran,     Madrid,  1857-61. 

Sandoval  (R.  P.  P.  de).  His- 
ioria de  los  Reyes  de  Castilla  y 
Leon.     Madrid,  1792. 


N.  B. — The  editions  quoted  above  are  those  consulted  by  the 
author  and  not  necessarily  the  first  editions  of  the  various  works. 
General  histories  such  as  those  of  Mariana  and  Lafuente  are  not  in- 
cluded in  the  list. 


THE  CID  CAMPEADOR. 


THE  CID 


CHAPTER  I. 

SPAIN     FROM     THE     SARACEN     CONQUEST     TO     THE 
TIME    OF   THE    CID. 

71I-IO35. 

MOHAMMED  had  already  been  dead  eighty 
years,  and  the  Khahfs  of  Damascus,  his 
successors,  after  conquering  the  whole  north 
of  Africa,  were  still  searching  for  further  lands  upon 
which  to  impose  the  choice  between  Islam,  submission, 
or  the  sword,  when  they  turned  their  eyes  across  the 
narrow  strait  to  Spain.  Here  the  feeble  kingdom  of 
the  Goths,  after  subsisting  for  three  centuries  on  the 
remains  of  Roman  wealth  and  Roman  organisation, 
was  tottering  to  its  fall.  The  coming  of  the  Saracens, 
the  great  battle  in  the  south,  the  rapid  conquest  from 
the  Pillars  of  Hercules  to  the  Cantabrian  mountains, 
and  from  Lisbon  to  the  Pyrenees,  became  the  subject 
of  legends  among  the  hardy  remnant  of  the  Spaniards, 
who  refusing  to  submit  to  the  infidel,  and  thus  cut 
off  from   the  main  body  of  their  countrymen,  took 

I 


The  Cid.  [711- 


refuge  among  the  pathless  mountains  of  Asturias, 
Biscay,  and  Navarre. 

The  romantic  story  of  the  ^vM;ld:  and  lawless  love  of 
Rodrigo,  the  last  Gothic  Kirig,  of  the  treachery  of 
Count  Julidii  and  Bishop  Oppas,  and  of  the  seven 
days'  battle  on  the  banks  of  the  Guadalete,  after 
which  no  blow  was  struck  to  save  the  country,  con- 
tains the  popular  and  superficial  view  of  events  that 
had  much  deeper  causes  and  wider  significance.  The 
Moslem  invaders  were  really  brought  over  and  aided 
by  a  strong  political  party  within  the  country  Avhich 
supported  the  claims  of  certain  pretenders  to  the 
throne.  The  helplessness  of  the  Gothic  nobles,  un- 
nerved by  long  periods  of  luxury  and  peace  inter- 
rupted only  by  civil  war,  was  further  increased  by 
their  factious  spirit  and  by  the  discontent  and  in- 
difference of  a  people  weighed  down  by  the  privileges 
of  a  conquering  race.  Yet  we  can  dimly  make  out 
that  more  than  one  stout  stand  was  made  against 
the  invaders,  and  that,  if  they  won  the  land  so 
quickly  and  so  completely,  it  was  in  a  great  measure 
thanks  to  the  native  malcontents  and  to  the  Jews. 
The  latter  had  long  been  in  communication  with 
their  Semitic  brethren  across  the  sea,  and  were  ready 
to  accept  any  lot  in  preference  to  that  imposed  upon 
them  by  haughty  and  rapacious  Goths.  Neverthe- 
less, the  Saracens  were  hardly  less  surprised  than  the 
Spaniards  to  find  that  what  was  originally  intended 
as  a  foray  had  resulted  in  a  conquest  as  complete  as 
it  was  rapid.  Three  years  after  their  landing,  the 
whole  Peninsula  acknowledged  their  sway,  with  the 
exception  of  the  wild  and  barren  north  that  seemed 


1035]       Spaiii  from  tJic  Saracen  Conquest.  3 

hardly  worth  conquering,  and  the  region  round 
Orihuela  and  Cartagena  known  as  Todmir.  This 
name  it  received  from  Theodomir,  a  Gothic  noble 
of  a  more  hardy  stamp  than  the  rest,  who  by  a 
timely  peace  had  saved  it  from  the  general  wreck, 
choosing  rather  to  be  tributary  than  subject  to  the 
Saracen.  The  conquerors  at  once  set  to  work  to 
organise  the  fair  land  they  had  won  as  a  province  of 
the  great  Empire  of  the  Khalifs.  The  country,  as 
far  as  their  rule  extended,  was  known  as  Andalus 
and  formed  part  of  the  vast  province  of  Africa,  the 
capital  of  which  was  the  lately  founded  city  of 
Kairwan,  south-east  of  ancient  Carthage. 

When  treating  of  this  period,  Spanish  historians 
love  to  turn  their  attention  almost  exclusively  to  the 
little  band  of  their  fellow-countrymen,  who,  within 
a  few  years  after  the  Saracen  invasion,  began  the  re- 
conquest  of  the  land  by  some  small  successes  against 
the  infidels.  They  are  glad  to  forget  the  much 
larger  and  more  important  body  of  Spaniards  who 
continued  to  dwell  in  the  south  and  centre  of  the 
country,  and  tamely  submitted  to  exchange  Gothic 
for  Saracen  masters.  These  found  the  conditions  of 
life  certainly  not  harder  under  the  latter  than  under 
the  former.  As  Islam  became  a  ruling  power,  pos- 
sessing a  mighty  empire,  the  fierce  and  intolerant 
spirit  that  had  animated  its  first  adherents  in  their 
early  conquests  wore  off,  and  those  who  refused  its 
creed  were  not  immediately  put  to  the  sword  as  the 
Prophet  had  enjoined.  They  were  even  allowed  to 
remain  in  peaceable  possession  of  their  lands,  subject 
only  to  a  higher  scale  of  taxation  than  that  appointed 


The  Cid.  \j\\- 


by  the  law  for  its  Moslem  followers.  They  were, 
however,  excluded  from  all  political  privileges.  In 
Spain  the  inusdrabes,  as  the  Christian  inhabitants  of 
the  lands  rided  by  the  Saracens  Avere  called,  met  with 
peculiarly  gentle  treatment.  Against  cities  that  had 
stubbornly  resisted  the  first  conquering  rush  of  the 
invaders,  or  had  subsequently  revolted,  certain 
severities  were  exercised ;  some  few,  like  Toledo, 
were  sacked,  but  their  fate  served  as  a  warning  to 
their  neighbours,  who,  for  the  most  part,  obtained 
by  timely  submission  the  favourable  conditions 
granted  to  those  who  opened  their  gates  on  the 
approach  of  the  conquerors.  These  were  allowed 
to  elect  magistrates  of  their  own  race  to  administer 
the  customary  law  between  Christian  and  Christian 
under  the  supervision  of  the  higher  Moslem  courts. 
The  exercise  of  the  Christian  religion  was  permitted, 
and  we  actually  hear  of  Moslem  princes  who  took 
part  in  the  election  of  Christian  bishops  within  their 
dominions,  giving  proof  of  a  spirit  of  toleration 
astonishing  at  the  time  and  among  the  people  by 
whom  it  was  practised,  and  strongly  contrasting 
with  the  treatment  meted  out  to  their  descendants 
when,  seven  centuries  later,  they  fell  under  the 
dominion  of  the  Spaniards. 

The  conquerors  received  as  their  reward  the  lands 
of  those  who  had  fallen  in  battle  against  them,  or 
who  had  fled  northward.  They  settled  down  peace- 
ably enough  to  the  plough  and  the  loom  amid  their 
Christian  subjects.  A  strong  and  regular  govern- 
ment succeeded  a  weak  and  jealous  one,  and  its 
benefits  were  at    once    apparent.     Agriculture  and 


1035]       Spain  from  the  Saracen  Conquest.  5 

commerce  flourished,  and  it  was  only  when  roused 
by  the  victorious  approach  of  the  Christians  of  the 
north  that  the  southern  Spaniards  came  to  regard 
the  Moors*  as  oppressors.  Their  conquest  by  Ro- 
man and  Goth  had  broken  among  the  mixed  race  of 
the  south  the  fierce  and  turbulent  spirit  for  which 
the  genuine  Iberians  were  famous.  Along  the  coast, 
where  the  Carthaginians  had  once  held  sway,  a  cer- 
tain amount  of  Punic  blood  was  diffused,  and  the 
presence  of  the  Jews,  who  even  before  the  spread  of 
Christianity  were  a  power  in  the  Peninsula,  had 
familiarised  the  inhabitants  with  the  Semitic  races  to 
which  the  majority  of  their  conquerors  belonged. 
This  circumstance  facilitated  intercourse,  and  sub- 
sequently helped  to  weld  the  two  peoples  into  one 
nation.  Even  at  first  hostile  collisions  were  rare, 
and  the  earlier  recorded  Christian  martyrs  were 
usually  those  fervid  spirits  who,  not  content  with 
toleration,  openly  mocked  the  religion  of  their  con- 
querors. Although  no  direct  constraint  was  em- 
ployed, the  inducements  to  embrace  Islam  were 
numerous,  and  the  privileges  it  entailed  consider- 
able. The  Christian  who  embraced  Islam  at  once 
became  the  equal  of  his  Moslem  neighbour.  A 
large  number  gladly  availed  themselves  of  the 
opportunity  of  ridding  themselves  of  a  badge  of  in- 
feriority. The  higher  a  person's  position  the  more 
keenly  he  felt  his  exclusion   from  state  affairs,  and 


*  The  term  "  Moors"  is  generally  applied  to  the  Moslems  of  Spain, 
and  in  this  sense  we  shall  have  occasion  to  use  it  frequently.  It  is, 
however,  incorrect,  for  the  invaders  of  Spain  were  a  mixed  body  of 
Arabs,  Syrians,  Berbers,  Moors,  and  other  races. 


The  Cid.  [71 1 


many  are  the  instances  of  descendants  of  Gothic 
nobles  who,  as  good  Moslems,  occupied  positions  of 
trust  at  Court.  Eastern  manners,  dress,  and  cus- 
toms, as  well  as  the  Arabic  language,  were  generally 
adopted,  until  the  vmzdrabes,  in  spite  of  their  adher- 
ence to  the  religion  of  their  fathers,  were  scarcely 
distinguished  from  the  body  of  the  people.  Al- 
though important  by  reason  of  their  numbers  and 
wealth,  they  played  no  part  in  the  history  of  their 
country,  and  when  overtaken  by  the  reconquest, 
they  were  regarded  with  contempt  and  suspicion  by 
their  so-called  deliverers. 

Far  different  was  the  spirit  of  the  north,  where 
under  the  leadership  of  Pelayo,  a  descendant  of  the 
Gothic  Kings,  a  hardy  band  lived,  first  as  refugees, 
and  then  as  conquerors.  These  men,  the  worthy 
successors  of  Viriathus,  had  purchased  liberty  at  the 
price  of  untold  hardship,  and  valued  it  accordingly. 
The  dangers  and  difificulties  of  their  position,  their 
utter  abandonment  by  their  fellow-countrymen,  and 
their  exclusion  from  all  communication  with  the  rest 
of  the  world,  produced  among  them  a  narrow,  harsh, 
and  intolerant  spirit  that  spread  with  their  conquests 
over  the  whole  of  Spain.  This  spirit  was  excused 
by  its  cause,  and  by  the  sturdy  independence,  pa- 
tience, determination,  and  valour  by  which  it  was 
accompanied.  When  these  men  broke  forth  from 
their  fastnesses  in  the  mountains  to  harry  and  over- 
run the  plain,  their  wild,  unkempt,  and  squalid 
appearance,  their  ruthlessness  and  cruelty,  the 
roughness  of  their  manners,  and  their  ignorance  of 
the  comforts  and  elegancies  of  life,  shocked  and  ter- 


1035J       Spam  fro7n  the  Saracen  Conquest.  7 

rified  both  the  Saracens  and  those  of  their  own  race 
with  whom  they  came  in  contact.  At  first  they 
were  despised  and  overlooked  by  the  Moslems,  who 
found  the  wild  and  barren  country  which  they  made 
the  base  of  their  predatory  expeditions  scarcely 
worth  the  trouble  of  conquest,  and  utterly  unsuited 
to  their  own  bodily  constitution  and  mode  of  life. 
When  at  length  it  was  realised  that  these  mountain- 
eers formed  the  germ  of  a  powerful  nation,  it  was 
already  too  late  to  crush  them.  Such  organisation 
as  they  at  first  possessed  was  made  up  of  a  mixture 
of  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical.  Among  the  Goths  the 
monarchy  had  been  nominally  elective,  though  it 
shewed  the  natural  tendency  to  restrict  itself  to  one 
family.  So  too  it  was  after  the  coming  of  the  Moors 
in  the  early  kingdoms  of  Oviedo  and  Asturias.  The 
King  was  the  leader  in  battle  ;  the  great  men  of  his 
Court  were  his  captains.  These,  in  conjunction  with 
the  bishops,  formed  the  King's  council,  supreme  in 
all  matters,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical.  The  whole 
body  of  the  people  capable  of  bearing  arms,  with 
the  exception  of  the  clergy,  formed  tK^  army.  Ad- 
versity had  broken  down  old  class  distinctions ; 
slavery  was  rare  ;  serfdom  almost  unknown  ;  each 
was  valued  according  to  his  courage  and  prowess 
against  the  common  enemy.  Without  any  formal 
guarantee  of  liberty,  every  man  who  possessed  arms 
wherewith  to  defend  himself  was  free  to  p-o  whither 
he  would,  though  necessity  compelled  him  to  rally 
to  the  standard  of  some  captain,  and  act  in  concert 
with  his  fellows  in  order  to  win  his  daily  bread  or, 
later,  to  protect  his  meagre  flocks. 


8  The  Cid. 


[711 


Historians  have  attempted  to  show  that  the  con- 
stitution, legislation,  and  institutions  of  united  Spain 
during  the  period  of  her  glory  were  directly^  derived 
from  those  which  the  Goths  liad  received  from  the 
Romans  and  had  modified  to  their  own  use.  It  may 
safely  be  admitted  that  the  Gothic  code  was  never 
formally  repealed  and  that  many  of  its  precepts  con- 
tinued to  be  traditionally  observed.  But  the  exigen- 
cies of  their  position  prevented  the  Spaniards  from 
respecting  any  law  other  than  the  necessity  of  the 
moment.  The  relations  of  the  various  classes  of  the 
community  to  one  another  and  to  the  Crown  needed 
not  to  be  strictly  defined  whilst  a  common  peril 
obliged  all  to  act  for  the  common  good.  Gradually 
traditional  usage  grew  into  law ;  important  privileges 
were  granted  as  the  land  was  won  back  to  those  who 
settled  in  the  towns  that  were  founded  to  protect  the 
ever  extending  frontier.  At  last  the  confusion  be- 
tween these  various  and  often  conflicting  local  privi- 
leges became  so  great  that  it  was  necessary  to  reduce 
them  to  some  order.  This  was  done  by  a  formal  and 
general  code  drawn  up  by  San  Fernando  and  Alfonso 
the  Learned  in  the  thirteenth  century,  and  having 
as  its  foundation  the  ancient  Gothic  statute-book. 
Thus,  without  admitting  the  continipty  of  Spanish 
institutions  from  the  time  of  Roderick,,  the  last  Gothic 
King,  to  that  of  the  promulgation  of  the  code  called 
las  Siete  Partidas  by  Alfonso  the  Learned,  we  may 
account  for  the  important  elements  common  to  the 


*  Traces  of  an  earlier  legislation  are  still  to  be  found  in  the  custo- 
mary and  local  institutions  of  Navarre,  the  Basque  Provinces,  Astu- 
rias  and  North  Leon. 


1035]      Spain  from  the  Saracen  Conquest.  9 

two.  The  nascent  state  required  absolute  and  un- 
trammelled freedom  in  order  to  enable  it  to  carry 
on  its  desperate  struggle ;  all  formal  institutions 
were  forgotten  save  in  so  far  as  they  were  felt  to  be 
necessary  for  the  affairs  of  daily  life  reduced  to  its 
simplest  elements. 

One  institution,  however,  survived  the  shock  of 
the  invasion,  and  kept  its  traditions  unaltered.  This 
was  the  Church.  The  clergy  who  had  accompanied 
the  bolder  members  of  their  flocks  in  their  hasty 
flight  to  the  north  had  borne  along  with  them  some 
of  the  sacred  relics  and  books.  In  the  caverns  of  the 
mountains  and  the  keeps  on  the  plain  the  practices 
of  the  Church  were  kept  up,  and  the  ceremonies  and 
rites  of  the  national  religion  became  the  centre  of 
the  national  life.  The  same  religious  enthusiasm 
that  afterwards  inspired  the  Crusaders  for  centuries 
encouraged  the  Christian  Spaniard  in  his  daily  strug- 
gle against  the  Infidel,  and  here,  with  the  enemy  at 
the  door,  it  acted  more  powerfully  in  combination 
with  a  burning  sense  of  personal  and  national  wrong. 
Paradise  was  promised  to  those  who  fell.  Con- 
demned to  unremitting  misery  and  danger  in  this 
world,  the  Spaniard  turned  his  thoughts  and  hopes  to 
the  next,  and  was  easily  persuaded  that  by  battling 
day  by  day  for  existence  he  was  doing  God  a  service 
which  would  receive  a  rich  reward.  Religion  became 
to  him  an  ever-present  reality,  and  when  he  met  with 
any  unexpected  success,  he  piously  attributed  it 
rather  to  the  intervention  of  the  Saints  in  his  favour 
than  to  his  own  valour.  The  remnant  of  the  faithful 
became  indeed  a  Chosen   People,  and   cherished  its 


lo  The  Cid,  [711- 

privileges  with  an  exclusive  fidelity  that  subsequently 
degenerated  into  intolerance  and  narrowmindedness, 
but  was  in  its  origin  a  virtue  and  necessary  to  its  in- 
dependent existence."^ 

For  nearly  half  a  century  (714-756)  Saracen  Spain 
was  ruled  by  Emirs  or  governors  appointed  by  the 
Khalifs  of  Damascus.  During  this  time  the  genera- 
tion that  had  suffered  the  hardships  necessarily  en- 
tailed by  the  conquest  of  the  country  had  passed 
away,  and  the  south  had  settled  down  to  acquire 
rapidly  and  thoroughly  the  arts  and  industries,  and 
assimilate  the  institutions  of  its  conquerors.  In  the 
north  a  kingdom  had  arisen  almost  unperceived,  and 
thanks  to  the  valour  and  enterprise  of  its  early  kings, 
had  extended  its  conquests  from  the  western  ocean 
to  the  Gulf  of  Gascony,  and  from  the  Bay  of  Biscay 
to  the  Sierra  de  Guadarrama,  the  wild  and  inhospi- 
table range  of  mountains  dividing  Old  from  New 
Castille,  which  down  to  the  time  of  the  Cid,  three 
centuries  later,  formed  the  natural  frontier  between 
Moor  and  Christian.  The  greater  part  of  this  vast 
region  was  a  debatable  land  continually  harried  by 
both  Christian  and  Saracen,  and  scarcely  populated 
until  a  further  extension  of  the  frontier  gave  to  it 
the  security  necessary  for  the  foundation  of  towns. 

The   Saracens,  during   the  first   twenty  years   of 

*  Remarkable  proofs  of  a  tolerant  spirit  are  not  wanting  before  the 
fifteenth  century.  Cf.  Latin  poem  on  the  Hospital  of  Roncesvalles 
(MS.  thirteenth  century). 

Porta  patet  omnibus,  infirmis  et  sanis 
Judeis,  hereticis,  ociosis  vanis, 
Non  solum  catholicis  verum  et  paganis 
Et,  ut  dicam  breviter,  bonis  et  profanis. 


1035]       Spain  from  the  Saracen  Conquest.  1 1 

their  possession  of  Spain,  had  been  engaged  in  such 
mighty  enterprises  that  it  is  hardly  surprising  they 
had  quite  overlooked  the  growing  power  close  at 
hand.  They  had  crossed  the  Pyrenees  at  their  east- 
ern end  and  had  pursued  their  victorious  march  as 
far  as  the  Rhone.  Still  unsatisfied  they  summoned 
a  large  force  of  willing  helpers  from  the  East,  and 
again  passing  the  Pyrenees,  this  time  further  west, 
they  ravaged  the  rich  country  of  Aquitaine  as  far 
north  as  Poitiers.  In  the  vast  plain  that  stretches 
between  that  city  and  Tours  they  were  met  and 
utterly  defeated  by  Charles  Martel,  leader  of  the 
Franks,  and  the  danger  of  a  further  spread  of  Islam 
in  Western  Europe  was  for  ever  at  an  end. 

Disappointed  in  their  hopes  of  extending  their 
conquests,  the  Moslems  turned  their  arms  against 
one  another.  The  traditional  feuds  that  had  sepa- 
rated tribe  from  tribe  and  nation  from  nation  in 
North  Africa,  in  Yemen,  in  Egypt,  and  in  Syria  had 
been  momentarily  forgotten  when  all  were  banded 
together  as  victors.  About  the  middle  of  the  eighth 
century  they  broke  out  again  in  Spain.  Africa  had 
been  for  some  years  the  scene  of  a  sanguinary  con- 
flict between  Berber  and  Arab.  The  Berbers  of 
Spain  were  intensely  jealous  of  the  Arabs,  who,  con- 
sidering themselves  the  superior  race,  had  seized  the 
better  part  of  the  fruits  of  a  victory  that  was  mainly 
due  to  the  numbers  and  valour  of  those  whom  they 
affected  to  despise.  In  the  division  of  the  conquered 
lands  the  Berbers  had  received  their  share  chiefly  on 
the  bleak  table-land  of  the  centre  of  Spain,  a  position 
not  only  unattractive  in  itself,  but  made  insecure  by 


12  The  Ctd, 


[711- 


the  growing  power  of  the  Christians.  The  discon- 
tent caused  by  this  unfair  treatment  smouldered  for 
a  time,  until  hearing  of  the  success  of  their  compa- 
triots in  Africa,  the  Berbers  suddenly  revolted  and 
marched  southward  to  claim  the  warm  rich  lands  of 
Andalusia  on  which  their  Arab  rivals  were  comfort- 
ably established.  This  revolution,  at  first  successful, 
was  crushed  by  mercenaries  brought  over  from  Africa. 
These  in  turn  imposed  their  own  terms  on  those 
whom  they  had  delivered.  The  north  of  Spain,  de- 
prived of  its  Berber  inhabitants  by  a  famine  that 
succeeded  the  war,  lay  open  to  the  attacks  of  the 
Christians  whose  territory  at  the  beginning  of  these 
troubles  was  a  narrow  strip  along  the  north  coast ; 
at  their  end  Alfonso  the  Catholic,  after  adding  his 
own  dukedom  of  Cantabria  to  the  kingdom  of  Pelayo, 
had  thrust  the  enemy  back  beyond  the  Duero. 

The  struggle  between  the  rival  clans  of  Ummeyah 
and  Abbas  in  the  East  ended  in  750  with  the  found- 
ing by  one  of  the  latter  of  the  Khalifate  of  Bagdad, 
after  it  had  been  held  by  their  predecessors  and 
rivals  for  a  period  of  nearly  a  hundred  years.  A 
member  of  the  ousted  clan,  escaping  the  general 
massacre  of  his  kinsmen,  made  his  way  after  many 
adventures  to  Spain.  Here  he  became  the  leader  of 
a  faction,  and  finally  succeeded  in  dispossessing  the 
Emir  who  ruled  the  country  in  the  name  of  the 
Khalif.  He  established  himself  as  an  independent 
monarch  at  Cordova  (756),  taking  the  title  of  Emir 
and  the  name  of  Abdu-r-rahman  I.  His  long  reign 
was  spent  in  crushing  revolts  against  his  authority. 
In  'j'j'j  a  powerful  body  of  malcontents  called  in  the 


1035]     Spain  from  the  Saracen  Conqitest.         13 

aid  of  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Great,  who  figures 
somewhat  strangely  as  an  ally  of  the  Infidel.  He 
advanced  with  a  powerful  army  as  far  as  Saragossa, 
but  mutual  distrust  prevented  concerted  action  be- 
tween Moor  and  Christian.  Called  away  by  dis- 
turbances on  the  frontier  of  his  own  dominions, 
the  great  conqueror  withdrew  without  having  ef- 
fected anything.  In  the  defiles  of  the  Pyrenees 
a  part  of  his  rear  guard  was  surprised  and  cut  off, 
and  Roncesva^UeSj  the  scene  of  this  disaster,  became 
one  of  the  most  famous  names  throughout  the 
Middle  Ages. 

Abdu-r-rahman  lived  to  firmly  establish  his  author- 
ity and  to  commence  the  building  of  the  great  mosque 
at  Cordova,  a  city  which,  under  his  care,  was  rapidly 
becoming  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  West.  His  son, 
the  pious  Hisham  I.,  found  leisure,  while  maintaining 
his  authority  within  his  own  dominions,  to  attack  his 
neighbours.  He  proclaimed  a  sacred  war  against  the 
Christians,  and  three  times  he  led  his  armies  against 
them  in  different  directions.  A  large  part  of  Galicia 
and  Asturias  was  plundered  and  laid  waste.  The 
same  fate  overtook  the  Basque  provinces.  The  third 
expedition,  directed  against  the  north-east,  was  still 
more  successful.  The  suburbs  of  Narbonne  were 
burned  and  destroyed,  the  Count  of  Toulouse  met 
with  a  crushing  defeat,  and  the  army  returned  laden 
with  an  immense  booty,  part  of  which  was  devoted  to 
the  completion  and  adornment  of  the  new  mosque. 

In  Spain  the  ninth  century  produced  none  of  those 
great  men  who  leave  an  indelible  mark  on  the  history 
of  their  country.     It  passed  away  leaving  the  relative 


14  The  Cid.  [7ii- 

position  of  the  two  nations  practically  unchanged. 
The  Saracens  were  continually  weakened  by  civil  dis- 
sensions, and  the  Christians  were  gathering  strength 
to  carry  on  the  great  struggle  in  which  they  were 
engaged.  They  had  now  a  national  shrine  round 
which  to  rally,  for  the  alleged  discovery  at  Compos- 
tela  of  the  burial-place  of  St.  James  (826)  was  re- 
ceived with  the  greatest  enthusiasm  throughout  the 
land,  and  becoming  rapidly  famous  throughout 
Christendom,  it  increased  the  consideration  and 
even  the  wealth  of  the  highly  favoured  country. 
This  period  saw  the  foundation  of  three  independent 
Christian  States  within  the  Peninsula.  For  a  few 
years  Spain  north  of  the  Ebro  formed  part  of  the 
vast  empire  of  Charles  the  Great.  On  his  death  the 
inhabitants  shook  off  the  yoke  of  the  stranger  and 
declared  their  independence,  choosing  as  kings  the 
leaders  to  whom  they  owed  their  successes.  Thus 
were  founded  on  the  southern  slope  of  the  Pyrenees 
the  kingdoms  of  Navarre  and  Aragon,  which  for 
some  time  owed  their  existence  to  the  inaccessible 
nature  of  the  mountains  among  which  they  were 
founded.  In  801  Barcelona  was  won  back  from  the 
Moors  by  the  Franks.  Later  in  the  same  century  it 
made  itself  independent  of  Charles  the  Bald  and 
became  another  link  in  the  chain  which  was  destined 
to  crush  the  life  out  of  the  Saracen  power  in  Spain. 
The  successes  of  their  compatriots  in  the  north 
came  as  a  faint  echo  to  the  imizdrabes  of  the  south, 
and  gave  rise  to  hopes  which  were  not  to  be  fulfilled 
until  centuries  later.  For  the  first  time  the  Moors 
perceived  how  great  a  danger  the  Christian  popula- 


1035]       Spain  fi'oni  the  Saracen  Conquest.  15 

tion  that  dwelt  among  them  might  be,  and  their 
sense  of  this  danger  was  marked  by  a  corresponding 
increase  of  severity  in  their  treatment  of  them.  So 
long  as  Christianity  was  the  religion  of  a  conquered 
nation  and  of  a  small  body  of  refugees,  it  met  with 
contemptuous  tolerance.  But  when  its  adherents  in 
their  turn  became  conquerors,  and  the  viuzdrabes 
began  to  look  on  the  Christians  of  the  north  as  pos- 
sible deliverers,  a  dangerous  spirit  was  aroused  and 
martyrs  were  again  found  in  the  renegade  or  indiffer- 
ent south.  A  similar  change  took  place  in  the  temper 
of  the  Saracens  ;  reverses  made  them  more  gloomy 
and  bitter  towards  the  subject  population,  and  each 
successive  immigration  of  wild  and  uncivilised  Afri- 
cans was  marked  by  an  increase  of  the  fanatical 
spirit  from  which  the  original  conquerors  were  singu- 
larly free. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  tenth  century  Alfonso  el 
Magno,  King  of  Leon,  made  his  name  famous  by  his 
successful  campaigns  against  the  Infidel.  Later  in 
the  same  century  all  the  ground  he  had  won  was 
lost  again,  and  a  series  of  crushing  blows  was  dealt 
to  the  rising  Christian  power  by  Abdu-r-rahman  II L 
This  prince  is  justly  celebrated  as  the  greatest  of  the 
Ummeyah  dynasty  who  ruled  Andalus.  At  the  time 
of  his  accession  (912)  his  northern  frontier  from 
Galicia  to  Barcelona  was  threatened  by  the  Chris- 
tian armies.  His  dominions  were  in  a  state  of  utter 
disorganisation  ;  revolts  were  so  frequent  that  it 
seemed  as  though  their  internal  quarrels  would 
plunge  the  Saracens  of  Spain  in  anarchy,  and  lead 
to  the  dismemberment  of  their  empire.     So  bold  had 


1 6  The  Cid.  \^\\- 

the  northern  princes  become  that  Ordono  II.,  King 
of  Leon,  had  actually  in  his  foraying  expeditions 
marched  as  far  south  as  Talavera  and  M^rida,  and 
had  defeated  at  San  Esteban  de  Gormaz  the  general 
sent  against  him.  Abdu-r-rahman  now  took  upon 
himself  the  leadership  of  his  armies,  and  his  energy 
and  skill  soon  changed  the  aspect  of  affairs.  Cross- 
ing the  Duero  he  ravaged  the  country  far  to  the 
north,  meeting  with  little  or  no  resistance.  He  then 
turned  eastward  towards  Navarre,  and  when  met  by 
the  united  armies  of  that  country  and  of  Leon,  he 
utterly  routed  them  at  Val  de  Junquera  (920). 
Even  so  the  boldness  of  his  enemies  was  not  checked, 
and  four  years  later  he  was  again  obliged  to  march 
northward.  This  time  he  crossed  the  Ebro  and  took 
Pamplona,  thus  extending  his  dominions  right  up  to 
the  foot  of  the  mountains. 

Freed  for  a  time  from  external  dangers  Abdu-r- 
rahman  turned  his  attention  to  the  better  govern- 
ment of  his  distracted  kingdom  ;  in  this  task  he  was 
no  less  successful  than  in  his  military  enterprises. 
The  spirit  of  revolt  and  lawlessness,  which  for  the 
last  thirt}'  years  had  made  the  authority  of  the 
Emirs  merely  nominal  in  a  large  portion  of  the  dis- 
tricts over  which  their  titular  sway  extended,  was 
thoroughly  crushed  out.  A  powerful  fleet  main- 
tained Abdu-r-rahman's  power  in  the  Mediterranean, 
and  by  enabling  him  to  conquer  a  part  of  the  north 
of  Africa  justified  the  proud  title  of  Khalif  which  he 
now  assumed.  An  addition  to  the  burdens  of  the 
Christians  within  his  dominions,  combined  with  a 
wise    policy    of    conciliation    towards    those    who 


1035]      Spain  fr 0771  the  Saracen  Co7tguesL  1 7 

adopted  the  Moslem  faith,  caused  a  large  body  of 
waverers  to  abandon  their  ancient  religion  and  to 
beconae  a  source  of  strength  instead  of  a  perpetual 
danger  to  the  land  they  inhabited.  Peace  and 
security  at  home  produced  a  marked  revival  of  com- 
merce and  industry.  The  treasury  which  had  long 
been  empty  was  now  so  full  that  large  sums  could  be 
devoted  to  public  works.  Cordova  with  its  popula- 
tion of  half  a  million  was  already  one  of  the  most 
magnificent  and  prosperous  cities  of  the  world,  and 
its  monarch  was  able  to  gratify  a  mere  caprice  by 
building  a  league  away  from  his  capital  the  luxuri- 
ous suburb  of  Az-zahirah,  the  gardens  and  palaces  of 
which  were  his  recreation  from  the  affairs  of  state. 
The  even  good-fortune  of  Abdu-r-rahman's  reign  was 
broken  in  939  by  a  serious  defeat  inflicted  on  his 
armies  by  the  Christians  at  Simancas.  Among  the 
victors  was  Fernan  Gonzalez,  founder  of  the  indepen- 
dence of  Castille,  and  second  only  to  the  Cid  himself 
among  the  Spanish  heroes  whose  exploits  were  sung 
by  the  gleemen  of  the  Middle  Ages.  The  origin  of 
the  County  of  Castille  is  somewhat  obscure  (see  p. 
27).  The  dignity  was  not  at  first  hereditary  ;  some- 
times we  hear  of  two  Counts  at  the  same  time  ruling 
as  feudatories  of  the  Kings  of  Leon.  The  title  had 
existed  for  about  one  hundred  years,  and  local  jeal- 
ousy had  caused  more  than  one  struggle  for  inde- 
pendence when  Fernan  Gonzalez  revolted  against 
Ramiro  II.  (940).  He  had  overrated  his  strength, 
and  fell  into  the  hands  of  his  overlord  who  kept  him 
a  prisoner  at  Leon  until  forced  to  release  him.  This 
he  did  after  exacting  an  oath  of  allegiance.     During 


1 8  The  Cici,  [7ii- 

the  civil  wars  of  the  succeeding  reigns  Fernan  Gon- 
zalez fought  for  one  party  or  the  other  according  as 
his  interests  dictated.  He  thus  contrived  to  leave 
at  his  death  to  his  son  Garci  Fernandez  his  precari- 
ous power  and  his  title  of  independent  Count  of 
Castille. 

Abdu-r-rahman  quickly  regained  the  advantages  he 
had  lost  by  his  reverse  at  Simancas.  Before  he  died 
(961)  his  varied  talents  had  rendered  his  country 
more  powerful  and  prosperous  than  it  had  ever  been 
before.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Al-hakem 
(961-976),  a  prince  of  a  very  different  stamp.  Al- 
hakem  was  a  scholar  and  a  patron  of  scholars,  and  it 
was  owing  to  his  love  of  learning  that  his  capital  be- 
came one  of  the  great  schools  of  the  world.  He  had 
not,  however,  inherited  his  father's  capacity  for  state 
affairs,  and  was  led  to  squander  a  large  portion  of 
the  wealth  that  had  been  so  carefully  amassed  and 
might  have  been  turned  to  better  account,  in  an 
almost  fruitless  attempt  to  extend  his  dominions  in 
Africa.  Meantime  the  Christians,  who  had  scarcely 
recovered  from  their  crushing  defeat  at  the  hands  of 
Abdu-r-rahman,  were  successfully  held  in  check  along 
the  northern  frontier. 

The  name  of  the  next  Khalif,  Hisham  H.  (976- 
1009),  is  utterly  overshadowed  by  that  of  his  Vizir^ 
the  great  Al-mansur,  who  keeping  him  in  perpetual 
dependenceTTtrfed-Andalus  mightily  for  a  quarter  of 
a  century.  The  career  of  this  man  is  of  the  extraor- 
dinary kind  not  without  parallel  among  Western 
nations,  but  more  common  in  the  East,  where  the 
individual  element  is  more  powerful  on  account  of 


1035]       Spaui  from  the  Saracen  Co7iq2iest.  19 

the  lack  of  organised  public  opinion.  His  birth 
gave  him  a  position  which,  without  being  brilliant, 
was  respectable  ;  he  was  descended  from  an  Arab 
family  that  had  settled  at  Algeciras  at  the  time  of 
the  conquest.  In  his  youth  he  studied  in  the  great 
schools  of  Cordova,  and  when  his  education  was  sup- 
posed to  be  complete,  he  at  first  gained  his  living  by 
drawing  up  in  proper  form  the  petitions  of  the  suit- 
ors who  thronged  the  gates  of  Al-hakem  II.  In  spite 
of  his  humble  employment,  his  talents  did  not  long 
escape  notice  ;  he  was  made  a  magistrate  of  the 
court  of  the  Kadi.  Appointed  afterwards  intend- 
ant  of  the  private  fortunes  of  the  heir-apparent 
and  of  the  Sultana,  a  Basque  by  birth,  he  made  such 
good  use  of  his  opportunities  that,  even  before  Al- 
hakem's  death,  his  authority  within  and  without  the 
palace  was  universally  felt.  He  combined  with 
other  important  offices,  that  of  governor  of  the  mint, 
and  thus  gained  a  great  insight  into  the  practical 
side  of  statesmanship.  Meanwhile  he  cultivated  the 
favour  of  the  African  tribes  from  which  the  soldiers  of 
the  Khalifate  were  drawn,  and  added  military  rank 
and  experience  to  that  which  he  had  already  gained. 
His  marriage  with  the  daughter  of  Ghalib,  a  general 
of  skill  and  experience,  further  paved  the  way  tow- 
ards the  supreme  power  at  which  he  aimed. 

When  ALhakem  died  his  son  and  successor  His- 
ham  II,,  last  and  feeblest  of  the  Ummeyah  Khalifs, 
was  only  twelve  years  old  and  entirely  under  the  in- 
fluence of  his  mother  and  of  the  minister,  who  as 
yet  contented  himself  with  the  title  of  Vizir  or 
privy  councillor.     This  influence  he  was  careful  to 


20  The  Cid.  uw- 

maintain  and  increase.  When  Hisham  was  fourteen 
years  old  he  was  removed  from  Cordova  to  the  new 
suburb  of  Az-zahirah  hard  by.  His  palace  was  sur- 
rounded with  a  wall  and  ditch,  and  thus  became  a 
prison  into  which  none  entered  save  by  Al-mansur's 
orders.  Thus  removed  from  dangerous  influences, 
the  boy's  intelligence  was  never  developed.  He  was 
left  a  mere  puppet  in  the  hands  of  others,  amused 
and  enervated  at  the  same  time  by  all  the  pleasures 
of  a  mock  Oriental  Court. 

Meanwhile  Al-mansur,  after  a  successful  expedi- 
tion against  the  King  of  Leon  (977),  had  so  greatly 
increased  his  reputation  that  he  was  able,  in  the  fol- 
lowing year,  to  obtain  by  intrigue  his  appointment 
to  the  office  of  Hajib  or  first  minister.  There  re- 
mained only  one  person  capable  of  rivalling  Al-man- 
sur's power.  This  was  Ghalib,  his  father-in-law,  of 
whose  military  skill  he  had  made  use  of  for  his  own 
advancement.  Now  that  he  was  no  longer  useful, 
and  refused  to  be  a  tool  in  the  hands  of  his  ambition, 
the  future  monarch  prudently  quarrelled  with  him. 
Al-mansur's  talents  and  determination  were  such  that 
he  did  not  fear  to  measure  himself  against  the  pro- 
fessional soldier.  Assembling  an  army  of  Berbers 
in  Africa,  he  attacked  and  slew  his  father-in-law  in  981. 

The  odium  attaching  to  the  successful  leader  of  a 
civil  war  was  quickly  obliterated  by  military  successes 
against  the  national  enemy.  The  arms  that  had  de- 
feated Ghalib  were  turned  against  the  Christians. 
The  combined  forces  of  Ramiro  HI.,  King  of  Leon, 
Sancho  el  Mayor,  King  of  Navarre,  and  Garci  Fer- 
nandez, Count  of  Castille,  were  defeated  at  Rueda 


1035]      Spain  from  tJie  Sai'acen  Conquest.  21 

in  the  neighbourhood  of  Valladohd.  Sinnancas  again 
fell  into  the  power  of  the  Moslems,  and  only  bad 
weather  prevented  them  from  pursuing  their  advan- 
tage in  the  kingdom  of  Leon  which  lay  at  their 
mercy.  It  was  in  honour  of  this  event  that  the 
Hajib  took  the  title  of  Al-mansur  billah,  the  favoured 
of  God,  by  which  he  is  best  known. 

In  the  civil  war  which  followed  the  death  of  Ramiro 
III.,  King  of  Leon  (984),  Al-mansur  supported  the 
pretensions  of  the  late  King's  cousin,  Bermudo,  and 
put  him  in  possession  of  a  dependent  crown.  He 
next  (985)  marched  against  Barcelona,  and  after 
taking  the  city  by  storm,  he  sacked  and  burned 
it.  Two  years  later,  being  dissatisfied  with  the  con- 
duct of  his  creature  Bermudo,  he  avenged  himself 
by  a  bloody  campaign  in  the  north-west.  Coimbra 
fell  into  his  power ;  the  kingdom  of  Leon  was  mer- 
cilessly ravaged  ;  Zamora  was  utterly  destroyed,  and 
of  the  royal  city  of  Leon  only  one  tower  was  left 
standing  to  testify  how  strong  had  been  the  place 
which  was  unable  to  resist  the  conqueror.  Bermudo 
became  a  fugitive  in  his  own  dominions,  and  Garci 
Fernandez,  Count  of  Castille,  who  had  rashly  sup- 
ported a  rebellious  son  of  Al-mansur,  was  severely 
chastised. 

Submission  of  the  most  humiliating  character  pro- 
cured Bermudo's  forgiveness  and  restoration  ;  but 
unwarned  by  his  former  misfortunes,  and  believing 
Al-mansur  to  be  fully  occupied  by  the  cares  of  an 
African  campaign,  he  again  rebelled,  refusing  to  pay 
the  stipulated  tribute.  Al-mansur  now  resolved  to 
utterly  crush    the  turbulent   princes   of   the   north. 


2  2  TJie  Cid,  [711- 

Setting  out  from  Cordova  he  marched  to  Oporto, 
where  he  was  met  by  his  fleet  and  by  many  of  his 
Christian  vassals  who  had  not  dared  to  disobey  the 
imperious  summons  to  join  his  standard.  The  Duero 
and  Minho  were  successfully  crossed  by  help  of  the 
ships,  and  the  infidels  marched  on  Santiago  de  Com- 
postela.  Their  course  was  well  calculated  to  spread 
terror  and  dismay  among  the  Christians.  The  shrine 
of  St.  James  was  already  revered  throughout  Europe 
as  one  of  its  most  famous  sanctuaries.  To  the 
Spaniards  it  was  doubly  dear  on  account  of  the 
miraculous  aid  with  which  its  patron  was  supposed 
to  favour  their  enterprises  against  the  Moor.  But 
such  was  the  dread  inspired  by  Al-mansur's  ap- 
proach that  the  inhabitants  fled,  and  not  an  arm  was 
raised  to  shield  the  holy  place.  The  city  was  razed 
to  the  ground  and  the  cathedral  plundered.  After 
a  week  spent  in  the  neighbourhood  for  the  purpose 
of  refreshing  his  troops  and  plundering  the  country, 
Al-mansur  marched  away  southward  leaving  a  wilder- 
ness in  his  track  and  bearing  with  him  the  bells  of 
St.  James  which  were  turned  into  lamps  for  the 
mosque  of  Cordova.  Five  years  later  (1002),  Al- 
mansur  died,  and  the  power  that  his  talents  had 
acquired  among  his  own  people,  and  his  military 
skill  had  spread  over  the  rest  of  the  Peninsula  melted 
rapidly  away.  So  soon  as  the  strong  hand  was 
removed,  factions  sprang  up  which  lesser  men  were 
unable  to  repress,  and  the  Christians  of  the  frontiers 
again  became  formidable.  The  chroniclers  of  the 
thirteenth  century  tell  of  a  great  battle  fought  at 
Calatanazor,   between  Soria   and    Burgo  de   Osma, 


1035]      Spain  from  the  Saracen  Conquest.         23 

north  of  the  Duero,  in  which  Al-mansur,  the  terrible, 
was  defeated  and  slain.  No  allusion  to  this  battle 
can  be  found  in  the  earlier  documents,  either  Latin 
or  Arabic.  It  is  possible  that  some  engagement  at 
Calataiiazor  may  have  been  the  beginning  of  the 
Christian  successes  that  followed  Al-mansur's  death 
but  certainly  it  cannot  have  been  so  glorious  for  the 
victors  or  so  crushing  for  the  defeated  nation  as  the 
chroniclers  represent.  The  Arabic  historians  relate 
that  Al-mansur  died  from  natural  causes  in  the  full 
tide  of  his  prosperity.  The  monk  of  Silos,  writing 
a  century  later,  thus  graphically  describes  his  career 
and  end  from  a  Christian  point  of  view  : 

"  To  him  God's  judgment  for  our  sins  later  allowed 
such  licence  that  in  twelve  successive  years  he  at- 
tacked an  equal  number  of  times  the  Christian  ter- 
ritories, and  captured  Leon  and  the  other  cities, 
destroyed  the  churches  of  St.  James  and  of  the  holy 
martyrs  St.  Facundo  and  St.  Primitive,  as  I  have 
before  mentioned,  together  with  many  others  which 
it  would  be  tedious  to  enumerate  ;  he  desecrated  all 
holy  things  with  reckless  audacity,  and  finally  sub- 
dued'and  made  th-e  whole  kingdom  subject  to  him- 
self. At  this  same  time  all  religious  worship  perished 
out  of  Spain  and  all  the  glory  of  the  Christians  fell 
away.  The  heaped-up  treasures  of  the  churches 
were  utterly  pillaged  until  at  last  God's  clemency, 
taking  pity  on  these  misfortunes,  vouchsafed  to  re- 
lieve the  shoulders  of  the  Christians  of  their  scourge 
{clades).     So  it  befell  that  in  the  thirteenth*  year  of 

*  Al-mansur  assumed  the  royal  title  in  the  year  991  and  died  eleven 
years  later. 


24  The  Cid.  [71 1- 

his  reign,  after  many  hideous  massacres  of  Christians, 
Al-mansur  was  seized  hard  by  the  great  city  Medina 
CeH  by  the  devil  who  had  possessed  him  during  his 
Hfe  and  hurled  into  hell." 

The  shadow  without  the  substance  of  Al-mansur's 
authority  was  inherited  successively  by  two  of  his 
sons,  Abdu-1-malik  and  Abdu-r-rahman.  The  latter 
caused  the  feeble  Hisham  II.,  who  still  retained  the 
title  of  Khalif,  to  declare  him  his  successor.  This 
provoked  a  revolt  in  which  Abdu-r-rahman  lost  his 
life  (1009).  Four  years  later  the  struggle  between 
rival  candidates  for  the  Khalifate  brought  about  the 
fall  of  Cordova.  It  was  captured  by  a  Berber  army, 
and  straightway  the  empire  of  the  Ummeyahs  fell 
to  pieces.  The  governors  of  the  provinces  either 
formally  declared  themselves  independent  or  tacitly 
disregarded  the  authority  of  the  Sultan  Suleiman, 
whose  real  power  was  limited  to  the  cities  of  Cor- 
dova, Seville,  Ocsnoba,  Niebla,  and  Beja,  with  their 
districts.  Thus  originated  the  small  Saracen  king- 
doms of  the  eleventh  century.  The  most  important 
of  them  were  Saragossa,  Toledo,  Badajoz,  Seville, 
and  Granada.  Their  rulers  are  contemptuously 
called  by  the  Spaniards  princelets  {reyeztielos)  or 
kings  of  districts  {reycs  de  tailfas).  Ali,  the  first 
Khalif  of  the  Hammudite  dynasty,  was  torn  from 
the  throne  by  the  very  hands  that  had  set  him  up, 
and  so  the  struggle  went  on  between  Hammudite 
and  Ummeyah,  Arab  and  Berber,  till  the  list  of 
feeble  Khalifs  who  served  as  tools  in  the  hands  of 
popular  leaders  closed  in  103 1  with  the  abdication 
of  Hisham  III.,  and  Cordova  became  a  republic. 


10351       Spain  from  the  Saracen  Conquest.         25 

In  1029  Garci  Sanchez,  great-grandson  of  the 
famous  Fernan  Gonzalez,  and  the  last  of  his  line, 
was  treacherously  murdered  at  Leon  whither  he  had 
gone  to  demand  of  Bermudo  III.  the  formal  recog- 
nition of  his  title  of  King  of  Castille  and  the  hand 
of  Bermudo's  sister,  Sancha,  in  marriage.  The  two 
sisters  of  the  murdered  prince  were  the  queens  sever- 
ally of  Sancho  el  Mayor,  King  of  Navarre,  and  Ber- 
mudo III.,  King  of  Leon.  Both  laid  claim  to  the 
dominions  of  their  deceased  brother-in-law  who  had 
taken  the  proud  title  of  King  of  the  Spains.  A  war 
broke  out  between  the  two  countries,  in  which  the 
Navarrese  gained  the  advantage,  thanks  to  the  in- 
domitable energy  which  characterised  their  King, 
Sancho,  throughout  his  reign  of  sixty-five  years.  He 
invaded  and  took  possession  of  Castille,  and  after 
adding  it  to  his  own  dominions,  fixed  his  capital  at 
Nagera  hard  by  the  frontier,  in  order  the  better  to 
hold  in  check  the  pretensions  which  Bermudo,  al- 
though beaten,  refused  to  relinquish.  Not  content 
with  the  possession  of  the  disputed  territory,  Sancho 
pushed  his  conquests  further  to  the  west  and  finally 
left  to  his  rival  nothing  but  the  province  of  Galicia. 

In  1035  King  Sancho  el  Mayor  died,  leaving  two 
legitimate  sons.  To  the  elder  of  these,  Garcia,  he 
bequeathed  his  hereditary  dominions  of  Navarre. 
To  Fernando,  the  younger,  married  to  Sancha,  sister 
of  Bermudo  of  Leon,  he  bequeathed  the  kingdom  of 
Castille,  together  with  the  lands  which  he  had  con- 
quered to  the  west  between  the  rivers  Pisuerga  and 
Cea.  Two  other  sons  remained,  and  to  them  also, 
in  spite  of  their  illegitimate  birth,  he  gave  separate 


26  The  Cid.  [711-1035 

dominions.  Ramiro  became  king  of  the  district  that 
had  hitherto  been  styled  the  county  of  Aragon. 
Gonzalo  received  the  principaHty  of  Sobrarbe  and 
Ribagorza  at  the  foot  of  the  Pyrenees. 

Seeing,  as  he  thought,  in  the  death  of  his  formid- 
able rival  the  opportunity  of  regaining  his  lost 
dominions,  Bermudo  invaded  Leon,  but  the  brothers 
of  Castille  and  Navarre  united  against  him,  and  he 
was  defeated  and  slain  in  the  battle  of  Tamaron 
(1035).  Fernando  made  good  his  wife's  claim  to  the 
whole  of  her  brother's  dominions. 

With  the  subsequent  victories  of  King  Fernando 
over  his  brother,  Garcia  of  Navarre,  legend  associates 
the  name  of  the  Cid.  Those  of  the  Cid's  exploits  for 
which  we  have  reliable  historical  evidence  belong  to 
a  somewhat  later  period.  But  the  part  of  his  history 
of  which  we  have  undoubted  proof  in  the  writings 
of  Christians  and  Arabs  is  often  a  mere  outline,  and 
does  not  explain  the  extraordinary  honour  in  which 
he  was  held  in  his  own  time  and  subsequently,  so 
we  shall  tell  the  earlier  part  of  the  story  as  it  is  told 
in  the  great  History  written  by  Alfonso  the  Learned 
in  the  thirteenth  century  or  by  the  minstrels  of  a 
still  later  date,  merely  distinguishing  between  events 
that  are  undoubtedly  fabulous  and  others  of  a  more 
trustworthy  character. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  ANCESTRY  AND  NAMES   OF  THE   CID  ;    LEGEND- 
ARY ACCOUNTS  OF  HIS  YOUTHFUL  EXPLOITS. 

IO35-IO66. 

A  CHARTER  granted  by  King  Fernando  to  the 
city  of  Burgos  in  the  year  12 17  relates  that 
during  the  early  years  of  the  tenth  century 
*'  the  Castillians  who  dwelt  in  the  mountains  of  Cas- 
tille  were  sore  aggrieved  by  being  obliged  to  go  to 
Leon  for  legal  business,  because  it  was  far  off  and 
the  road  was  long  and  they  had  to  cross  the  moun- 
tains, and  when  they  arrived  there  the  Leonese 
treated  them  haughtily  ;  and  for  this  reason  they 
chose  two  powerful  men  {o7nes  biienos)  of  their  own 
district,  Munyo  Rasuella  (Nufio  Rasuera)  and  Layn 
Calvo,  to  decide  disputes  in  order  that  they  might 
not  be  obliged  to  go  to  Leon  ;  for  they  had  not  the 
power  to  appoint  judges  without  leave  of  the  King 
of  Leon." 

More  than  one  interpretation  has  been  put  upon 
these  words,  but  the  true  one  probably  is  that  Nuno 
Rasuera  and  Layn  Calvo  were  really  nothing  more 
than  mediators,  judging  causes  and  giving  sentences 

27 


28  The  Cid.  [1035- 

the  sole  authority  of  which  was  derived  from  the 
compact  made  between  Htigants  to  respect  them  and 
thus  escape  the  costly  and  precarious  "justice"  of 
the  King  of  Leon.  Nuno  Rasuera  was  connected 
with  the  noble  family  of  Porcelos,  the  founders  of 
Burgos  and  ancestors  of  the  great  Count  Fernan 
Gonzalez,  whom  we  have  already  mentioned  as  the 
champion  of  Castillian  independence.  A  marriage 
between  Layn  Calvo  and  the  daughter  of  Nuno 
Rasuera  established  a  close  connection  between  the 
two  families  that  had  been  so  signally  honoured  by 
the  confidence  of  their  fellow-countrymen.  From 
this  marriage  sprang,  in  the  fifth  generation,  P|ego_ 
Laynez,  father  of  the  Cid.  Diego  Laynez  was  a 
persoii"  of  wealth  and  consideration  as  befitted  his 
ancestry.  He  had  inherited  the  estate  of  Bivar, 
hard  by  Burgos,  and  fighting  gallantly  by  the  side 
of  King  Fernando  in  his  Navarrese  wars,  had  re- 
ceived as  his  reward  the  lordship  of  several  villages. 
He  married  the  daughter  of  Don  Rodrigo  Alvarez, 
Count  and  Governor  of  Asturias.  The  son  born  of 
this  marriage  received  at  baptism  the  name  of  his 
maternal  grandfather,  Rodrigo.  To  this  was  added, 
according  to  the  custom  of  the  time,  the  surname 
Diaz  or  Diez,"^  meaning  son  of  Diego,  and  the  terri- 
torial title  of  nobility  derived  from  the  family  estate; 
his  whole  name  was  thus  Rodrigo  (or  Ruy)  Diaz  de 
Bivar.  In  ofificial  documents  he  generally  used  the 
Latin  form,  signing  Rodericus  Didaci,  sometimes 
adding  Castellanus  in   order  to  distinguish   himself 

*  -az  or  -ez  is  the  common  patronymic  termination  in  Spanish. 
Thus  Alvarez  means  son  of  Alvaro  :  Martinez,  son  of  Martin,  etc, 


1066]  Ancestry  and  Names.  29 

from  his  less  famous  brother-in-law,  Rodericus  Didaci 
Asturianus. 

These  names,  however,  are  not  those  by  which 
our  hero  is  best  known.  It  is  as  "The  Cid,"  in 
Spanish,  *'  El  Cid,"  or  "  Myo  Cid,"  that  Rodrigo  de 
Bivar  has  become  famous  in  all  countries,  but  the 
true  origin  and  meaning  of  the  well-known  name  are 
still  matters  of  conjecture.  The  most  generally 
received  opinion  is  that  Cid  is  a  Spanish  form  of 
the  Arabic  Sidy,  Lord,  or  My  Lord.  Accord- 
ing  to  the  legends,  Rodrigo  de  Bivar  was  thus 
addressed  by  certain  Saracen  chieftains,  his  prisoners 
of  wal%7hnLlie~^resence~of  the  King  ot  Castille,  and 
the  King  was  pleased  to  decree  that  by  this  name, 
so  honourably  gained,  he  should  be  known.  That 
the  name,  Cid,  may  have  been  acquired  among  the 
Saracens  is  not  at  first  sight  improbable,  but  before 
accepting  this  theory,  several  objections  must  be 
considered.  First  of  all  there  is  no  evidence  to  show 
that  Rodrigo  Diaz  was  thus  called  in  his  lifetime. 
The  name  does  not  appear  in  contemporary  docu- 
ments, nor  is  it  used  by  early  chroniclers,  Christian 
or  Arabic.  It  is  first  found  in  a  Latin  poem  on  the 
taking  of  Almeria  by  Alfonso  the  Seventh,  written 
about  the  year  ii6o'^  ;  in  the  Poema  del  Cid  (latter 


*  The  passage  runs  : 

"  Ipse  Rodericus,  mio  Cid  semper  vocatus. 

De  quo  cantatur,  quod  ab  hostibus  haud  superatur, 
Qui  domuit  Mauros,  Comites  domuit  quoque  nostros, 
Hunc  (Alvar  Fanez)  extollebat,  se  laude  minore  ferebat : 
Sed  fateor  virum  (verum  ?),  quod  toilet  nulla  dierum 
Meo  Cidi  primus  fuit.  Alvarus  atque  secundus." 


30  The  Cid.  [1035- 

part  of  twelfth  century),  and  in  the  Cronica  General 
it  is  constantly  used.  From  this  we  must  conclude 
that  the  name  Cid  somehow  became  attached  to 
Rodrigo  de  Bivar  during-  the  century  that  succeeded 
his  death,  and  that  it  was  adopted  by  the  gleemen, 
with  ^lom'his  exploits  formed  a  favourite  theme. 
It  is,  however,  a  curious  fact  that  the  names  Cid, 
Myo  Cid,  and  Citiz  are  by  no  means  rare  in  docu- 
ments of  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries.  In  a 
donation  of  the  year  1068,  which  was  undoubtedly 
signed  by  the  Cid,  we  find  the  two  names  Rodrigo 
Didaz  and  Cid  Didaz.  It  is  possible  that  the  former 
may  be  the  son  of  the  Count  of  Asturias  and  the 
latter  Rodrigo  of  Bivar.  A  donation  to  the  church 
of  San  Eugenio,  of  which  the  Abbot  Licinius,  cousin 
of  the  Cid,  was  rector,  is  subscribed  by  Rodrico 
Didaz  and,  lower  down,  by  Mio  Cid  Petrus  Rodcrici 
(Rodriguez)  de  Olea  miles.  It  bears  the  date  1077  * 
in  a  confirmation  of  the  same,  eighty  years  later,  is 
found  the  signature  Mio  Cid  Roy  Gonzalez  de  Olea. 
Even  Jews  and  slaves  sometimes  bore  the  name  Cid, 
or,  in  its  feminine  form,  Cita.  "^ 

While  it  is  probable  that  Rodrigo  Diaz  was  not 
called  ''  the  Cid  "  during  his  lifetime,  it  is  certain  that 
he  made  use  of  the  honourable  title  of  ''  Campeador," 
a  title  which  also  appears  in  the  Latin  forms  Cam- 
pidator,    Campiductor,  and    Campidoctus,    meaning 


*  It  has  occurred  to  me  that  the  name  Cid  may  be  derived  from  the 
Arabic  root  sa'ada  (to  be  fortunate),  and  that  the  gleemen  merely 
translated  it  when  they  spoke  of  "him  who  was  born  in  happy 
hour,"  and  alluded  to  it  when  they  spoke  of  his  "  good  auguries'' 
and  **  fortune  "  {suerte). 


10661  Ancestry  and  Names,  3 1 

Champion.  This  name  was  bestowed  on  him  for  his 
valour  and  prowess  in  single  combats.  It  was 
customary  among  the  Saracens,  as  among  many 
other  peoples,  when  two  hostile  armies  were  in  sight 
of  one  another,  for  picked  men  to  come  forth  from 
the  ranks  and  to  challenge  the  bravest  of  their 
enemies  to  a  duel.  The  challenger  in  such  a  case 
was  called  in  Arabic  Mubaris,  in  Spanish  Desafiador 
or  CajHpeador.  That  Rodrigo  Diaz  was  in  the  habit 
of  taking  upon  himself  this  dangerous  duty,  and 
that  hence  he  derived  his  title  of  Campeador,  is 
proved  by  the  following  verse  taken  from  a  Latin 
poem  written  to  celebrate  his  exploits  within  a  hun- 
dred years  after  his  death.  It  alludes  to  a  circum- 
stance that  we  shall  mention  later  : 

"  Hoc  fuit  primum  singulare  bellum 
Cum  adolescens  devicit  Navarrum 
Hinc  campidoctor  dictus  est  majorum 
Ore  virorum." 

The  Arabic  historians  frequently  make  use  of  this 
name  in  the  form  Al-kambeyator  when  referring 
to  the  Cid  ;  his  enemy,  the  Count  of  Barcelona  (see 
p.  194),  reminds  him  of  the  obligation  entailed  on 
him  who  bore  it,  saying  :  "  if  thou  comest  forth  to 
fight  us  thou  wilt  show  thyself  to  be  in  truth  that 
Rodrigo  whom  men  call  the  Warrior  (Bellatorem) 
and  the  Champion  (Campeatorem)."  * 

*  There  existed  also  during  the  Middle  Ages  "Champions"  of 
another  kind  whose  office  and  persons  were  held  infamous.  These 
were  the  men  who  wandered  from  place  to  place  hiring  their  services 
to  fight  with  staff  and  buckler  in  the  judicial  combats,  the  so-called 
appeals  to  the  judgment  of  God,  which  disgraced  the  statute-books  of 


32  The  Cid.  [1036- 

History  first  makes  mention  of  the  Cid,  for  so  long 
established  usage  compels  us  to  call  him,  about  the 
year  io66j_but  of  the  date  and  circumstances  of  his 
birth  nothing  is  known.  The  legends  embodied  in 
the  chronicles  of  the  thirteenth  and  following  cen- 
turies, however,  contain  several  curious  stories  which 
deserve  to  be  recapitulated  before  we  come  to  surer 
ground.  According  to  them  the  Cid  was  born  about 
lO?^  _  The  General  Chronicle  introduces  him 
abruptly  in  the  middle  of  the  reign  of  Don 
Fernando,  saying,  ''  at  this  time  lived  Rodrigo  de 
Byuar  (Bivar),  a  stalwart  youth  in  arms  and  of  good 
manners  ;  and  the  people  loved  him  greatly  for  that 
he  was  very  successful  in  protecting  the  land  against 
the  Moors."  His  descent  from  Layn  Calvo  and 
Nufio  Rasuera  is  carefully  traced  and  an  explanation 
is  attempted  of  the  story,  often  alluded  to  by  the 
gleemen  that  the  Cid  was  the  son  of  a  miller."^    Diego 


almost  all  European  countries.  The  Spanish  historianv^Iasdeu,  a  de- 
termined enemy  of  the  glories  of  the  Cid,  has  sought  to  show  that  if 
he  existed  at  all,  he  belonged  to  the  latter  class.  Not  to  mention 
Dozy's  learned  investigations,  this  theory  is  sufficiently  disproved  by 
the  esteem  in  which  the  Campeador  was  held  by  the  great  men  of  his 
time,  and  by  the  evident  pride  Mith  which,  when  already  famous  as  a 
leader  of  men,  he  signs  himself  Campiductor. 
*See  Poema  I.  3378  : 

Hya,  varones  l  quien  vio  nunca  tal  mal  ? 

I  Quien  nos  darie  nueuas  de  myo  Cid  el  de  Biuar  ? 

I  Fuesse  a  Rriodouirna  los  molinos  picar, 

E  prender  maquilas  commo  lo  suele  far? 

The  same  story  is  told  of  the  birth  of  the  Emperor  Charles  the 
Great.  See  also  the  curious  account  given  of  himself  by  Cid, 
Chf'dnica  Rimada,  v.,  879. 


10661  Youthful  Exploits.  33 

Laynez,  we  are  told,  when  of  marriageable  age,  got 
him  to  horse  on  the  feast  of  S.  James,  and  riding 
forth  met  a  peasant-woman  who  was  carrying  her 
husband's  dinner  to  the  threshing-floor.  He  seized 
and  forced  her.  When  he  let  her  go,  she  went  on 
her  way  to  her  husband  and  told  him  what  had 
happened.  The  husband  held  her  blameless,  and 
when  her  time  came  she  bore  two  sons,  one  by  Diego 
Laynez  and  one  by  her  husband.  This  illegitimate 
son  of  Diego  Laynez  was  called  Fernando  Diaz,  and 
is  confounded  "  by  those  who  do  not  know  the  story 
aright,"  with  his  half  brother,  Rodrigo  Diaz,  who 
was  born  later  from  his  father's  marriage  with  Teresa 
Nunez  the  daughter  of  Count  Nuilo  Alvarez  de 
Amaya.  As  for  Fernando  Diaz,  he  married  the 
daughter  of  Anton  Antolinez  of  Burgos  and  became 
the  father  of  the  Cid's  nephews  Martin  Antolinez, 
Pero  Bermudez,  and  Ordono  el  Menor,  names  that 
constantly  recur  in  the  chronicles  and  ballads  of  the 
Cid.  These  traditional  genealogies  are  utterly  un- 
trustworthy. They  originate  in  the  desire  to  estab- 
lish a  connection  between  celebrated  men.  Even 
the  authors  who  make  use  of  them  do  not  in  any 
degree  hold  themselves  bound  to  reconcile  their  own 
accounts  with  those  of  their  predecessors.  A  Ber- 
mudez and  an  Antolinez  can  scarcely  have  been  the 
sons  of  one  man  (see  note  p.  28). 

Almost  as  well  known  as  the  name  of  Cid  is  that 
of  the  famous  steed  Babieca  which  bore  him  in  all 
his  battles.  Babieca  is  supposed  is  to  have  lived 
more  than  fifty  years  and  to  have  carried  his 
master's  dead  body  from  Valencia  to  Burgos.      How 


34  ^-^^^  ^^^'  [1035- 

the  Cid  became  possessed  of  this  extraordinary 
horse,  and  the  horse  of  his  extraordinary  name,  is 
told  as  follows  :  The  Cid's  godfather  was  Don  Pedro 
de  Burgos  or  Peyre  Pringos  (Peter  Fat),  a  priest  of 
Burgos.  From  him  the  Cid,  whilst  still  a  boy, 
begged  a  colt.  The  good  priest  led  his  godson  to  a 
paddock  where  the  mares  were  running  with  their 
colts  at  foot,  and  bade  him  choose  the  best.  The 
boy  stood  by  the  gate  of  the  paddock  while  the  herd 
was  driven  past  him.  The  best  looking  of  the  colts 
passed  him  unheeded,  till  at  last  a  mare  came  by 
with  a  very  ugly  and  mangy  colt  running  by  her 
side.  Suddenly  he  called  out,  ''  This  is  the  one  for 
me."  His  godfather,  angry  at  so  apparently  foolish 
a  choice,  exclaimed,  ''  Booby  (Babieca)  !  thou  hast 
chosen  ill."  But  the  young  Cid,  no  whit  abashed, 
answered,  "  This  will  be  a  good  horse,  and  Booby 
(Babieca)  shall  be  his  name." 

But  the  most  famous  legend  connected  with  the 
youth  of  the  Cid  is  that  of  his  fight  with  the  Conde 
de  Gormaz  or  Haughty  {Lozano)  \  Count,  and  his 
marriage  with  the  daughter  of  his  slain  enemy. 
The  development  of  this  story  is  of  late  date,  but 
the  outline  is  found  in  the  General  Chronicle,  which 
says  merely,  *'  as  he  went  about  in  Castille  he  had  a 
quarrel  with  the  Count,  and  they  fought  their  fight, 
and  Rodrigo  slew  the  Count."  The  ballads  are 
much  fuller  and  make  the  Cid  an  extraordinarily 
precocious  youth.  Before  reaching  the  age  of  ten 
years  he  took  on  himself  the  duties  of  a  man  and 
the  privilege  of  doing  justice  which  belonged  to  the 
great  nobles  or  seiiores  de  cuchilla  y  horca  (lords  of 


1066]  Youthful  Exploits,  35 

knife  "^  and  gallows).  One  of  his  earliest  exploits 
was  the  trying  and  hanging  of  a  robber  who  had  fallen 
into  his  hands. 

It  happened,  says  the  ballad,  that  Diego  Laynez 
when  an  old  man,  and  incapable  of  bearing  arms, 
was  grievously  insulted  and  struck  by  his  enemy, 
the  Conde  de  Gormaz.  Sorrowfully  he  returned  to 
his  house  at  Bivar  ''  reflecting  on  the  dishonour  done 
to  his  lineage,  so  noble,  rich,  and  ancient,  even 
before  Inigo  Abarca.  And  seeing  that  he  lacked 
strength  to  exact  the  vengeance  due  to  him,  for  by 
reason  of  his  many  years  he  could  not  win  it  with 
his  own  hands,  he  could  neither  sleep  by  night,  nor 
taste  his  food,  nor  raise  his  eyes  from  the  ground, 
nor  dare  to  go  out  from  his  house,  nor  to  speak  with 
his  friends.  Nay,  more,  he  forbade  them  to  speak  to 
him,  fearing  that  the  breath  of  his  infamy  might 
stain  them.  Whilst  thus  he  struggled  with  his  re- 
volted pride,  he  bethought  him  to  call  his  sons  f  and 
to  put  them  to  the  proof.  This  fell  out  as  he  had 
hoped  ;  without  uttering  a  word  he  squeezed  one  by 
one  their  noble  and  delicate  hands.  Thoughts  of 
his  honour  lent  strength,  despite  his  years  and  grey 
hairs,  to  the  cold  blood  that  ran  in  his  veins  and  to 
his  chilled  thews  and  sinews.  So  hard  he  squeezed 
that  they  cried  :  '*  Hold,  Sir  !  What  means  this,  or 
what  wouldst  thou  of  us  ?     Let  go,  or  thou  wilt  kill 


*  Capital  punishment  was  inflicted  on  persons  of  noble  birth  not 
by  beheading  but  by  cutting  the  throat.  This  explains  the  word 
cuchilla. 

\  The  Chronicle  states  explicitly  that  the  Cid  had  no  brother  ex- 
cept the  Fernando  Diaz  mentioned  above. 


36  The  Cid.  [1035- 

us!  "  When  he  came  to  Rodrigo  he  had  almost  lost 
hope  of  the  result  he  longed  for — but  hope  is  often 
late  fulfilled — the  boy's  eyes  blazed  forth  with  the 
glow  of  an  angry  tiger,  furious  and  unabashed  he 
uttered  these  words:  "  Let  me  go,  father!  A  curse 
on  thee  !  Let  go  !  A  curse  on  thee  !  For  hadst 
thou  not  been  my  father,  not  by  words  alone  would 
I  have  shewn  my  rage  ;  with  my  very  hands  I  would 
have  torn  out  thy  heart,  driving  in  my  finger  instead 
of  dagger  or  knife !  "  The  old  man  wept  for  joy. 
"  Son  of  my  heart,"  he  said,  "  thy  fury  heals  my 
own,  thy  indignation  is  my  joy.  Shew  but  this 
spirit,  my  Rodrigo,  in  the  quest  of  my  honour, 
which  is  lost  to  me  forever  if  it  be  not  recovered 
and  won  back  by  thee."  He  told  him  of  the  insult 
he  had  suffered,  and  gave  him  his  blessing  and  the 
sword  with  which  the  Cid  made  an  end  of  the  Count 
and  a  beginning  of  his  exploits. 

In  another  ballad  a  still  more  barbarous  method 
of  proving  his  sons  is  attributed  to  the  father.  He 
placed  their  fingers  in  his  mouth  and  bit  them  until 
the  pain  became  intolerable.  The  result  is  the  same 
in  either  case :  Rodrigo  is  chosen  to  be  his  father's 
champion.  He  sallies  forth  and  meets  the  haughty  * 
Count  of  Gormaz  ;  his  challenge  is  at  first  received 
with  derision,  he  is  mocked  as  an  upstart  boy,  and  is 
threatened  with  a  whipping  ;  finally,  however,  his 
high  spirit  and  earnestness  prevail,  and  he  returns 
in  triumph  bearing  the  bleeding  head  of  the  Count 
wherewith  to  heal  his  father's  wounded  honour. 


*  The  epithet  Lozano  is  applied  by  the  gleemen  to  this  person 
and  to  other  great  nobles. — Cf.  Chrdnica  Rimada,  v.,  68o.  In  the 
Ballads  it  is  used  as  a  proper  name. 


1066] 


Youthful  Exploits.  37 


The  Count  left  behind  him  a  beautiful  daughter, 
Jimena  Gomez,  who  inherited  his  proud  spirit,  and 
took  upon  herself  to  avenge  his  death.  She  made 
her  way  to  King  Fernando's  Court  and  proudly  de- 
manded redress  against  the  slayer  of  her  father. 
The  King  is  unwilling  to  sacrifice  so  goodly  a 
youth,  and  after  the  rough  fashion  of  the  time,  the 
feud  is  healed  by  the  lady  being  induced  to  accept 
the  hand  that  had  slain  her  father  in  satisfaction  of 
her  claims  upon  his  slayer. 

Such  is  the  legendary  account  of  the  Cid's  mar- 
riage with  Jimena  Gomez,  the  mother  of  his  two 
fabulous  daughters,  Elvira  and  Sol,  whose  story 
will  be  told  later.  The  Cid's  real  wife  was  also 
called  Jimena,  and  many  attempts  have  been  made 
to  identify  her  with  the  virago  of  the  legend,  or  to 
show  that  the  Cid  was  twice  married.  These  have 
been  unsuccessful,  and  if  there  is  any  foundation  of 
fact  for  this  famous  legend,  it  is  so  overshadowed  by 
the  mass  of  fiction  as  to  be  indistinguishable.  It 
must  be  borne  in  mind  that  there  are  two  Jimenas, 
one  legendary  and  one  historical,  just  as  there  are 
two  Cids  whose  characters  and  actions  are  at  times 
irreconcilable. 

Rodrigo  had  no  time  to  devote  to  the  lady  to 
whom  he  found  himself  bethrothed  under  such 
strange  circumstances.  He  left  her  at  Burgos  in  his 
mother's  charge  and  vowed  not  to  see  her  again 
until  he  should  have  made  himself  worthy  of  her  by 
some  notable  exploit.  The  occasion  for  the  fulfil- 
ment of  this  vow  soon  presented  itself.  The  Moors 
of  Aragon  led  by  ''  five  kings  "  had  made  one  of  their 


The  Cid.  [1035- 


periodical  forays  down  into  Castille  harrying  Lo- 
grono  and  Nagera.  As  they  returned  through  the 
passes,  encumbered  with  their  booty  and  driving 
before  them  herds  of  captives  and  cattle,  they  were 
set  upon  and  defeated  by  the  youthful  Cid.  The 
prisoners  were  kindly  treated  and  generously  set  free. 
Out  of  gratitude  they  acknowledged  themselves 
vassals  of  their  captor,  and  later,  at  the  King's  Court, 
bestowed  on  him  the  title  of  Cid. 

Not  long  afterwards,  the  Cid  was  chosen  by  the 
King  to  represent  Castille  in  battle  with  ^  chosen 
champion  of  Aragon.  The  stake  was  the  possession 
of  the  city  of  Calahorra.  The  two  Kings,  says  the 
chronicler,  had  met  to  discuss  their  claims  and  "  they 
made  an  oath, -each  of  them,  to  come  and  bring  a 
knight  who  should  combat  for  their  right,  and  that 
the  knight  who  conquered  should  win  Calahorra  for 
his  lord.  When  this  agreement  had  been  confirmed 
they  returned  each  one  to  his  own  land."  The  King 
of  Aragon  chose  a  certain  Martin  Gonzalez  to  rep- 
resent him.  The  Cid  cheerfully  accepted  King 
Fernando's  commission  as  a  ready  means  of 
acquiring  further  glory.  He  decided  to  employ  the 
interval  before  the  date  fixed  for  the  combat  in 
making  a  pilgrimage  to  Santiago  de  Compostela. 
So  he  set  out  accompanied  by  twenty  of  his  knights, 
and  as  he  went  along  his  way  he  did  many  good 
deeds  and  gave  much  alms,  satisfying  the  poor  and 
needy.  So  it  befel  that  he  came  upon  a  leper  who 
had  fallen  into  a  bog  by  the  roadside.  The  leper 
cried  aloud  and  besought  the  passers-by  to  pull  him 
out  for  the  love  of  God.      The  dread  and  loathing 


1066]  Yoiitlifiil  Exploits,  39 

inspired  by  his  terrible  disease  was  so  great  that 
none  harkened  to  his  prayer,  and  he  was  hke  to 
perish  when  the  Cid  dismounted  and  went  to  his 
assistance.  When  he  had  got  him  safely  out  on  the 
road,  he  placed  him  on  his  own  beast,  and  brought  him 
to  the  inn  where  they  lodged.  The  knights  of  his 
company  were  horrified  by  the  risk  he  thus  ran,  and 
their  horror  was  changed  to  disgust  and  indignation 
when  the  hour  for  supper  came  and  their  leader, 
after  bidding  them  be  seated,  took  his  strange 
guest  by  the  hand  and  placed  him  by  his  side.  As 
the  two  ate  out  of  the  same  dish  it  seemed  to  the 
bystanders  that  the  scales  of  the  leprosy  fell  into  the 
food,  and  they  rose  from  the  table  and  left  the  inn. 
The  Cid  finished  his  supper  and  ordered  a  bed  to  be 
prepared  for  himself  and  the  leper,  and  they  slept 
the  two  of  them  together.  At  midnight  the  Cid  felt  a 
sudden  blast  of  air  on  his  back,  so  strong  that  it 
passed  right  through  him  and  out  at  his  chest.  He 
awoke  and  sought  for  the  leper  by  his  side.  Failing 
to  find  him  he  called  aloud  for  him,  but  none 
answered.  At  length  a  light  was  brought,  and  leav- 
ing it  burning  by  his  side,  the  Cid  lay  down  again 
and  began  to  consider  what  had  befallen  him. 
While  thus  he  meditated  and  considered,  there 
appeared  to  him  a  man  in  white  raiment  who  asked 
*' Sleepest  thou,  Rodrigo?"  and  he  answered  and 
said,  "  Nay,  I  am  awake ;  but  who  art  thou  that 
bearest  about  thee  so  bright  a  light  and  so  sweet  a 
smell?  "  The  vision  answered,  *'  I  am  Saint  Lazarus, 
and  would  have  thee  know  that  I  was  that  leper  to 
whom    thou  shewedst   such   kindness   and   honour 


40  1  he  Cid.  [1036- 

for  the  love  of  God.  And  for  the  kindness  and  love 
that  thou  didst  shew  me,  God  bestows  on  thee  this 
great  boon,  that  when  the  blast  that  thou  didst  feel 
but  now  shall  come  upon  thee,  thou  mayest  under- 
take that  on  which  thy  heart  is  fixed,  whether  it  be 
fighting  or  other  matters,  and  it  shall  go  well  with 
thee.  Thus  shall  thine  honour  increase  from  day  to 
day,  and  thou  shalt  be  feared  and  respected  by 
Moors  and  Christians.  And  never  shall  thine 
enemies  have  power  to  harm  thee,  and  thou  shalt 
die  an  honourable  death  in  thy  house  and  amid  thy 
possessions.  For  never  shalt  thou  be  conquered  but 
ever  victorious,  for  God  grants  thee  His  blessing,  so 
rest  thee  well  and  do  ever  the  right."  The  Cid  arose 
from  his  bed  and  prayed  till  morning.  Then  he 
went  on  his  way  rejoicing  to  fulfil  his  pilgrimage. 

At  length  the  day  came  on  which  the  fate  of 
Calahorra  was  to  be  decided.  The  two  Kings  were 
met  together  in  the  city,  the  lists  were  prepared,  only 
the  Cid  was  wanting.  His  cousin,  Alvar  Fafiez  ", 
offered  to  replace  him,  and  already  he  stood  fully 
armed  and  prepared  to  mount  when  the  rightful 
champion  appeared.  No  time  was  to  be  lost ;  the 
Cid  took  the  horse  that  stood  ready  and  at  once 
made  for  his  adversary  who  met  him  with  equal 
valour.  Both  lances  were  broken  in  the  first  on- 
slaught, and  both  champions  were  badly  wounded. 
While  they  were  preparing  to  renew  the  combat  with 


*  Alvar  Fanez  is  a  real  personage.  He  was  one  of  the  most  fa- 
mous captains  of  Alfonso  VI.,  but,  though  there  is  evidence  to  show 
that  he  was  the  Cid's  cousin,  the  two  were  not  so  intimately  connected 
in  common  enterprises  as  the  story  represents. 


to66]  .        Youthf  id  Exploits.  41 

their  swords,  the  Aragonese  knight  "  began  to  say  his 
words  to  Rodrigo,  thinking  to  frighten  him."  "  Right 
sorely  dost  thou  rue,  Don  Rodrigo,  that  thou  art  come 
into  this  place  with  me,  for  I  will  hinder  thy  mar- 
riage with  Doiia  Jimena,  thy  betrothed,  whom  thou 
lovest  so  dearly.  Thou  shalt  not  return  alive  to 
Castille."  To  this  threat  the  Cid  replied  with  moder- 
ation, *'  Don  Martin  Gonzalez,  thou  art  a  good 
knight.  Such  words  befit  not  this  place.  Our  fight 
must  be  fought  out  with  our  hands  and  not  with 
empty  words.  Everything  is  in  the  power  of  God  to 
give  strength  unto  whom  He  will."  He  followed  up 
his  words  with  a  mighty  stroke  which,  descending  on 
the  helmet  of  his  adversary,  inflicted  a  grievous 
wound.  The  Aragonese  retaliated  with  a  blow  not 
less  crushing  but  not  so  well  directed.  It  caught 
the  edge  of  the  Cid's  shield  and  bit  into  it.  The 
sword  became  so  firmly  fixed  that,  when  its  owner 
drew  it  towards  him,  the  Cid  was  obliged  to  let  go 
his  shield.  A  cut  across  his  adversary's  face 
compensated  for  this  disadvantage,  but  still  Gonza- 
lez held  good,  and  it  was  only  after  a  long  and 
tough  fight  that  at  last  he  fell  from  his  horse  exhausted 
by  loss  of  blood.  Then  the  Cid  dismounted  and 
slew  him  and  asked  if  anything  more  remained  to  be 
done  for  the  right  of  Calahorra.  The  umpires  an- 
swered, No,  and  King  Fernando  himself  aided  the 
Cid  to  disarm,  whilst  the  King  of  Aragon  sorrow- 
fully bore  away  the  body  of  Martin  Gonzalez  to  burial 
in  his  own  land. 

The  Cid's  enemies,  as  well  as  his  friends,  are  in- 
troduced into  these  legends  of  his  early  life,  often 


42  The  Cid. 


[1035- 


with  circumstances  of  great  improbability.  Thus 
the  tale  is  told  how,  after  defeating  and  slaying  the 
Aragonese  knight,  the  Cid  increased  so  greatly  in  the 
King's  favour  that  many  of  the  nobles  of  Castille 
become  jealous  and  sought  to  rid  themselves  of  their 
rival  by  treachery.  They  attempted  to  attain  their 
purpose  by  means  of  a  battle  with  the  Moors. 
During  the  Middle  Ages  the  science  of  tactics  was 
altogether  ignored  or  neglected.  It  was  the  custom 
of  leaders  of  armies  to  agree  upon  a  place  and  date 
on  which  their  quarrel  should  be  fought  out  as  if  in 
the  lists.  The  belief  in  the  Judgment  of  God,  to 
which  direct  appeal  was  made  in  the  judicial  combats 
between  single  champions,  was  extended  also  to 
general  engagements  fought  during  wars  between 
independent  sovereigns.  Thus  Might  was  Right 
according  to  popular  view  in  more  senses  than  one. 
The  treacherous  nobles  who  sought  the  Cid's  death 
communicated  with  the  Saracens  of  the  frontier  and 
arranged  that  a  battle  should  be  fought  on  Holy 
Cross  Day  in  the  month  of  May.  Either  party 
would  then  have  an  opportunity  of  ridding  them- 
selves of  the  young  hero  whose  growing  prowess 
was  a  standing  menace  to  the  pretensions  of  the  one 
and  the  security  of  the  other.  This  battle  was  never 
foucrht,  for  the  treacherous  intention  with  which  it 
had  been  planned  was  revealed  by  the  Saracen  chiefs 
whom  the  Cid  had  captured  and  chivalrously  set  free 
on  condition  of  their  becoming  his  vassals.  Wishing 
to  shew  their  fidelity  and  gratitude,  they  now  warned 
him  of  his  danger.  The  Cid  at  once  laid  the  matter 
before  the  King,  and  sentence  of  banishment  was 


1066J  Youthful  Exploits.  43 

pronounced  against  those  implicated.  Among  them, 
says  the  story,  was  the  powerful  noble,  Count  Garcia 
de  Cabra,  whose  enmity  towards  the  Cid  at  a  later 
periocTislDne  of  the  best  attested  facts  of  his  history. 
The  King's  attention  was  taken  up  with  planning  a 
pilgrimage  to  the  shrine  of  S.  James,  and  he  entrusted 
to  the  Cid  the  charge  of  driving  out  such  of  the 
banished  nobles  as  did  not  at  once  obey  his  sentence. 
In  these  circumstances  there  came  before  the  Cid  his 
sister  (or  cousin)  Elvira,  the  wife  of  Garcia  de  Cabra, 
and  besought  him  to  grant  to  her  husband  letters  to 
some  of  his  Saracen  vassals  which  should  secure  him 
a  safe  retreat  in  his  exile.  The  Cid  sent  his  letters  to 
the  King  of  Cordova,  who  submissively  granted  to 
Count  Garcia  the  lordship  of  Cabra  from  which  he 
took  his  title.  The  chronicles  comment  on  the  in- 
gratitude of  the  Count  who,  after  receiving  such  a 
favour,  was  ever  ready  to  turn  his  arms  against  his 
benefactor.  But  the  whole  story  is  full  of  improb- 
abilities, and  was  evidently  invented  to  account  for 
a  well-known  feud,  the  origin  of  which  is  lost  in 
obscurity.  It  is  almost  certain  that  at  the  time  to 
which  this  legend  refers  the  Cid  was  a  mere  child  ; 
he  certainly  was  not  a  person  of  enough  authority  to 
have  played  the  part  here  attributed  to  him. 

The  power  and  prosperity  of  Don  Fernando,  as 
King  of  the  united  monarchy  of  Leon  and  Castille, 
was  looked  on  with  the  utmost  jealousy  by  his 
brother  Garcia  of  Navarre,  whose  violent  and  treach- 
erous character  contrasts  unfavourably  with  Fer- 
nando's  clemency  and  frankness.  In  1052  Garcia 
fell  ill,  and  Fernando  went  to  visit  him  at  Nagera, 


44  The  Cid.  [1035- 

now,  by  the  arrangement  of  Sancho  el  Mayor,  the 
capital  of  Navarre.  Here  he  received  information 
that  his  brotherly  attention  was  to  be  repaid  by 
treachery,  and  that  Garcia  intended  to  seize  his  per- 
son. By  withdrawing  suddenly  and  secretly  to  his 
own  dominions  he  frustrated  the  plot.  Indeed,  so 
cautiously  did  Fernando  act,  that  Garcia  was  un- 
aware that  he  knew  of  the  danger  he  had  narrowly 
escaped.  The  following  spring  Fernando  in  turn 
fell  ill,  and  Garcia  came  to  Castille  to  visit  him, 
"  rather,"  says  the  contemporary  author,  ^'  that  he 
might  atone  for  his  criminal  attempt  than  in  order 
to  condole  with  his  brother  on  his  infirmity  ;  for  he 
desired  not  only  his  sickness  but  his  death  also,  that 
he  might  leave  him  in  possession  of  the  kingdom." 
Garcia  was  arrested  and  kept  for  some  time  a  prisoner 
in  the  castle  of  Cea,  not  far  from  Leon.  He  suc- 
ceeded at  length  in  escaping  and  returned  to  his  own 
kingdom  vowing  vengeance  on  his  brother.  It  w^as 
not  long  before  he  assembled  a  large  army  in  which 
were  enrolled  many  Saracens  mercenaries  from  Sara- 
gossa  and  Tudela,  for  Garcia  possessed  the  reputa- 
tion of  being  one  of  the  most  skilful  captains  as 
well  as  one  of  the  hardiest  soldiers  of  his  day.  He 
boldly  crossed  the  Montes  d'Oca  and  encamped  at 
Atapuerca,  about  twelve  miles  from  Burgos.  Fer- 
nando marched  out  hastily  to  meet  him  in  command 
of  a  force,  the  small  number  of  which  was  more 
than  redeemed  by  its  high  spirit  and  loyalty  to  its 
leader.  Whilst  the  two  armies  were  encamped  in 
sight  of  each  other,  Fernando  sent  to  offer  peace  on 
condition  that  the  invading  army  would  immediately 


to66]  Youthful  Exploits.  45 

recross  the  frontier.  The  ambassadors  were  roughly 
treated  and  sent  back  with  a  contemptuous  answer, 
in  spite  of  the  protests  of  Garcia's  knights  who  saw 
that,  in  the  event  of  defeat,  this  overbearing  conduct 
would  be  bitterly  avenged.  The  Navarrese  now  took 
advantage  of  their  King's  situation  to  demand  the 
confirmation  of  their  privileges  and  the  restoration 
of  the  honours  and  estates  of  which  certain  of  their 
number  had  been  deprived.  This  disloyal  claim 
was  roughly  rejected,  whereupon  two  of  those  who 
considered  themselves  specially  wronged  renounced 
their  allegiance  and  went  over  to  Don  Fernando's 
army.  The  discontent  among  the  rest  was  so  great 
as  to  cause  the  gloomiest  outlook  for  the  battle 
which,  as  usual,  was  fought  at  a  prearranged  time 
and  place.  King  Garcia's  tutor  (ayo)  came  at  the 
last  moment  into  his  presence  and,  with  tears  in  his 
eyes,  besought  him  to  secure  his  own  safety  by  grant- 
ing the  request  of  his  barons.  When  at  length  his 
patience  was  exhausted  in  a  vain  attempt  to  over- 
come Garcia's  obstinacy,  he  exclaimed  :  "  Sure  I  am 
that  to-day  thou  wilt  be  conquered  and  slain  ;  where- 
fore I  would  die  first,  for  with  great  fidelity  did  I 
bring  thee  up."  The  two  armies  were  already  drawn 
up  in  battle  array  when  the  old  knight,  casting  away 
his  shield  and  breast-plate,  rushed  upon  the  Castil- 
hans  with  no  other  arms  save  his  lance  and  the  sword 
he  wore  at  his  side.  He  speedily  met  his  death,  and 
over  his  body  the  battle  became  general.  Among 
those  who  specially  distinguished  themselves  on 
Fernando's  side  were  many  of  the  knights  who  had 
once  belonged  to  the  household  of  his  predecessor, 


46  The  Cid,  [1035- 

Bermudo,  and  who  now  sought  to  gain  the  favour  of 
the  King  w^hom  fortune  had  placed  over  them.  The 
Navarrese,  w'ho  formed  the  backbone  of  Garcia's 
army,  at  first  made  some  show  of  fighting,  but  the 
unpopularity  of  their  King  prevented  any  real  effort 
being  made  to  save  him  from  his  fate.  Garcia  fell, 
mortally  stricken,  it  is  said,  by  the  hand  of  one  of 
the  two  knights  who  the  day  before  had  renounced 
their  allegiance.  He  was  buried  with  all  honour  at 
Ndgera  in  a  church  w^hich  he  himself  had  built  and 
endowed.  Fernando  used  his  victory  moderately  ; 
so  soon  as  the  day  was  won,  he  gave  orders  to  check 
the  slaughter  so  far  as  Christians  were  concerned. 
As  for  the  Moorish  mercenaries  of  his  late  brother, 
they  were  all  slain  or  made  prisoners.  Navarre  lay 
at  his  mercy,  and  he  would  have  been  justified  by 
the  custom  of  the  time  had  he  invaded  and  subju- 
gated it.  He  however  contented  himself  with  add- 
ing to  his  own  dominions  the  part  of  Garcia's  territory 
which  lay  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Ebro,  leaving 
Sancho  Garces,  the  son  of  the  slain  monarch,  to  in- 
herit his  father's  kingdom  from  the  Ebro  to  the 
Pyrenees.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  chroniclers,  who 
relate  the  circumstances  of  this  battle  in  the  course 
of  their  long  and  minute  history  of  the  Cid,  make 
no  mention  of  his  presence  on  the  occasion.  This  is 
another  proof  of  the  theory  that  he  was  born  some 
twenty  years  later  than  these  chroniclers  suppose. 

For  the  first  sixteen  years  of  his  reign,  Don  Fer- 
nando was  so  engaged  in  repressing  his  enemies  at 
home  that  he  had  no  time  to  give  to  the  extension 
of  his  dominions  among  the  Saracens.     Four  years 


1066]  Youthful  Exploits.  47 

after  the  battle  of  Atapuerca  (1056),  he  attacked  Al- 
mudaffar,  the  Saracen  King  of  Badajoz,  and  cap- 
tured several  towns  situated  in  the  present  kingdom 
of  Portugal.  Instead  of  driving  out  or  massacring 
the  inhabitants,  he  left  them  in  possession  of  their 
lands,  exacting  only  a  heavy  tribute.  He  next  turned 
his  arms  against  the  city  of  Viseu,  where,  thirty 
years  before,  his  father-in-law  had  been  slain  by  a 
bolt  shot  from  the  walls.  The  crossbowmen  whose 
skill  had  rendered  the  place  famous  made  use  of  their 
weapons  on  this  occasion  also.  Their  bolts  were 
said  to  be  shot  with  such  force  as  to  pierce  a  shield 
and  triple  cuirass ;  but  Fernando  protected  his  men 
by  having  boards  attached  to  the  fronts  of  their 
shields,  and  took  the  city  after  a  short  and  vigorous 
siege.  The  archer  by  whose  hand  Alfonso  the  Noble 
fell  was  captured  along  with  the  rest  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, and  Fernando  exacted  an  unkingly  vengeance 
by  cutting  off  his  hands  and  tearing  out  his  eyes, 
according  to  the  cruel  custom  that  had  prevailed 
among  the  Goths.  The  expedition  ended  brilliantly 
with  the  capture  of  Lamego.  The  King  of  Badajoz 
became  a  vassal  of  the  King  of  Leon  and  Castille. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  conquered  lands  were  obliged 
to  rebuild  the  churches  which  their  ancestors  had 
destroyed.  The  chronicler,  anxious  as  we  must  sup- 
pose to  attribute  to  the  Cid  a  share  in  all  this  glory 
but  unable  to  cite  any  definite  exploits,  merely  says, 
"  during  all  this  war  Rodrigo  de  Bivar  was  one  of 
those  who  wrought  much  in  good  and  notable  deeds 
of  arms." 

The  success  of   this   expedition  stirred    up   King 


48  The  Cid.  [1035- 

Fernando  to  yet  further  efforts.  In  1058  he  boldly 
crossed  the  Duero  and  seized  the  strong  castle  of 
San  Esteban  de  Gormaz.  Pushing  on  eastward,  he 
destroyed  the  atalayas,  small  watchtowers  and  keeps 
which  studded  the  Moorish  frontier  and  gave  warn- 
ing and  protection  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  open 
country  when  the  Christians  were  foraying  across  the 
border.  From  Medinaceli  to  Tarazona  the  whole 
land  was  laid  waste.  The  passes  of  the  mountains 
through  which  the  Saracens  were  accustomed  to 
pour  down  upon  the  plains  of  Castille  were  roughly 
fortified.  The  King  of  Saragossa  was  compelled  to 
purchase  peace  at  the  price  of  an  annual  tribute,  and 
Fernando  turned  his  victorious  arms  against  his 
neighbour  Al-mamun,  King  of  Toledo.  This  expedi- 
tion was  no  less  successful  than  the  last.  The  Cas- 
tillians  crossed  the  wild  and  chilly  passes  of  the 
Guadarrama  and  laid  waste  the  valleys  of  the  Hena- 
res,  Jarama,  and  Manzanares,  now  part  of  the  bleak 
dry  table-land  of  the  centre  of  Spain,  but  then  well 
wooded  and  well  watered.  They  next  laid  siege  to 
Alcala,  hard  by  Madrid,  and  here  it  was  that  Al- 
mamun  came  in  person  to  their  camp  to  make  his 
submission.  Peace  was  granted,  Toledo  became  a 
tributary  state,  and  Fernando  returned  to  his  own 
country,  having  now  secured  a  strong  footing  on  the 
southern  slope  of  the  mountains. 

The  country  immediately  to  the  north  of  the 
Duero,  though  nominally  forming  part  of  the  king- 
dom of  Leon,  had  for  centuries  been  little  else  than 
a  debatable  land.  Here  the  husbandman,  if  he  sowed 
at  all,  sowed  with  arms  at  his  side  and  with  but  slen- 


1066]  Youthful  Exploits.  49 

der  hope  of  reaping  the  fruit  of  his  toil.  Such  cities 
as  were  springing  into  hfe  in  this  desolate  region  had 
been  utterly  destroyed  by  Al-mansur  in  his  great 
campaign,  and  still  lay  as  he  had  left  them.  King 
Fernando  having  now  pushed  his  frontier  further 
south,  turned  his  attention  to  repeopling  the  country 
and  rebuilding  and  fortifying  the  cities  that  were 
needed  for  its  cultivation  and  protection.  The  rock 
fortress  of  Zamora  formed  the  key  to  the  whole  re- 
gion ;  its  natural  strength  was  increased  by  elaborate 
fortifications,  and  inhabitants  were  secured  by  the 
usual  device  of  offering  special  privileges  to  those 
who  took  up  their  residence  in  positions  of  danger 
near  the  frontier. 

In  order  to  ensure  the  tranquillity  of  his  new  city, 
Fernando  attacked  the  Saracen  castle  of  Monte- 
mayor,  the  garrison  of  which  had  long  been  a  scourge 
to  the  inhabitants  of  the  plain.  It  is  probable  that 
the  Cid,  still  a  mere  youth,  took  part  in  the  siege. 
We  are  told  that  he  greatly  distinguished  himself  by 
the  valour  he  displayed  in  leading  forays  and  escort- 
ing convoys  of  provisions  through  a  disturbed  dis- 
trict. In  this  service  he  fought  several  tough  fights, 
and  it  was  noticed  that,  however  hard  pressed  he 
might  be  by  the  superior  numbers  of  the  enemy,  he 
was  never  compelled  to  send  to  the  King  for  aid. 
These,  if  genuine,  must  be  counted  amongst  the 
earliest  of  the  exploits  of  the  Cid. 

Whilst  the  work  at  Zamora  was  still  going  on, 
Fernando  rebuilt  the  church  of  S.  John  the  Baptist 
at  Leon,  which  after  its  destruction  by  Al-mansur, 
had  been  temporarily  restored   by  Alfonso  V.     In 


50  The  Cid.  ti035> 

this  he  was  probably  influenced  by  his  wife  who 
regarded  with  affection  the  burial-place  of  her  father 
and  brother.  Fernando  had  intended  to  be  buried 
at  Oila  or  at  San  Pedro  de  Arlanza,  but  as  the  new 
church  grew  up,  he  changed  his  mind.  ^'  He  saw," 
says  the  chronicler,  "  that  the  city  (of  Leon)  lies  in 
the  best  part  of  the  kingdom  ;  and  is  a  right  good 
and  healthy  land  of  salutary  breezes,  and  rich  in 
all  things  needful ;  and  pleasant  ;  and  beyond  all 
this  abounding  in  many  and  good  Saints  who  suffered 
martyrdom  for  the  love  of  Jesus  Christ."  Influenced 
by  these  considerations,  he  chose  it  as  his  sepulchre, 
and  strove  to  enrich  it  with  further  relics.  This 
pious  purpose  was  combined  with  further  conquest. 
In  1063  Fernando  led  his  armies  against  Al-mutadhed, 
King  of  Seville  (called  by  the  chroniclers  Abenhabet). 
By  ravaging  the  Algarve  he  obliged  the  Saracens  to 
sue  for  peace.  In  addition  to  an  annual  tribute,  he 
demanded  the  bodies  of  the  virgin  saints  Justa  and 
Rufina  who  had  lain  buried  at  Seville  ever  since 
they  suffered  martyrdom  during  the  persecution  of 
Diocletian.  The  Bishops  of  Astorga  and  Leon  w^ere 
sent  with  a  small  force  under  Count  Munio,  or  Nuiio, 
to  fetch  the  relics,  but  without  exact  instructions  as 
to  the  place  in  which  they  might  be  found.  At 
Seville  they  were  honourably  received  by  King 
Al-mutadhed,  who  professed  his  willingness  to  help 
them  in  their  search ;  but  neither  he  nor  any  other 
was  able  to  point  out  the  place  where  the  bodies  lay. 
Face  to  face  with  this  dififlculty,  the  good  bishops 
fasted  for  three  days,  praying  for  a  miracle  which 
should  enable  them  to  fulfil  their  commission.     At 


1066]  Youthful  Exploits,  51 

last  as  Alvitus  of  Leon,  worn  out  with  his  long  fast, 
reposed  in  his  chair  murmuring  a  passage  of  the 
Psalms,  he  fell  asleep.  There  appeared  to  him  a 
figure  dressed  in  bishop's  robes  which  comforted 
him  saying : ''  Servant  of  God,  it  is  not  His  will  that 
you  should  carry  hence  the  holy  bodies  of  the  virgins. 
For  this  city  shall  be  conquered  by  the  Christians, 
and  for  their  consolation  He  wills  that  they  remain 
here.  But  for  the  sake  of  your  holy  life,  and  for  the 
honour  of  King  Don  Fernando  from  whom  He 
received  much  service,  God  permits  you  to  bear 
away  my  body  to  Leon."  Alvitus  remained  for  a 
time  entranced  and  struck  dumb  by  the  wondrous 
vision  and  the  fragrance  that  accompanied  it.  He 
then  made  bold  to  ask  who  it  was  that  thus  ad- 
dressed him,  and  San  Isidoro,  for  it  was  he,  declared 
himself.  Three  times  was  the  vision  repeated,  and 
thrice  it  pointed  with  a  wand  to  the  place  where  the 
relics  lay.  Alvitus  was  informed  that,  on  digging 
them  up,  he  should  be  seized  by  a  sickness  of  which 
he  should  die.  He  roused  his  companions  and  told 
them  Avhat  had  happened.  They  at  once  recognised 
the  place  where  the  miraculous  wand  had  struck;  a 
marvellously  sweet  odour  convinced  them  by  its 
healing  effect  on  Moors  and  Christians  that  their 
search  was  successful.  When  at  last  the  bones  of 
the  saintly  Doctor  were  found  lying  in  a  casket 
of  juniper  wood,  the  Moorish  King  was  for  a  time 
unwilling  to  consent  to  their  removal.  But  this 
danger  was  averted  by  another  miracle.  So  soon 
as  he  began  to  meditate  on  the  advisability  of 
seizing  the  relics  they  became  invisible  to  him,  *'  his 


52  The  Cid.  [1035- 


thoughts  took  another  direction  and  all  desire  of 
possessing  them  deserted  him."  Alvitus,  as  the 
vision  had  prophesied,  died  seven  days  after.  His 
body  was  carried  back  to  Leon  by  his  companions, 
along  with  the  bones  of  San  Isidoro.  These  were 
enclosed  in  a  casket  of  gold,  and  the  new  church  was 
dedicated  to  the  saint  who  had  shewn  such  marked 
favour  to  its  founder. 

The  church  of  San  Isidoro  was  afterwards  enriched 
with  yet  further  treasures.  King  Don  Fernando, 
as  he  went  about  his  dominions,  took  from  the  city 
of  Avila,  which  had  been  long  in  ruins,  the  bodies  of 
the  martyrs,  San  Vicente,  Santa  Sabina,  and  Santa 
Cristina.  As  to  the  exact  place  where  he  laid  them 
there  exists  some  difference  of  opinion.  Valencia 
claims  to  be  the  resting-place  of  Santa  Cristina  ; 
but  others  say  that  all  these  relics  are  still  at  Avila. 
The  Archbishop,  Don  Rodrigo  of  Toledo,  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  refused  to  pronounce  an  opinion 
on  this  difficult  question,  saying  that  *'  since  they 
were  in  a  Christian  land  and  moreover  within  the 
realms  of  Castille  and  Leon,  it  mattered  not  at  all." 

The  Spaniards  have  always  been  jealous  of  their 
neighbours  on  the  other  side  of  the  Pyrenees.  In 
order  to  rival  the  mighty  legend  of  Roland  and  his 
Peers,  they  invented,  as  early  as  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, that  of  Bernardo  del  Carpio,  the  fabulous 
Spanish  hero  who  defeated  the  armies  of  Charles  the 
Great  at  Roncesvalles  and  crushed  the  Breton  Count 
to  death  in  his  arms.  It  would  therefore  be  surpris. 
ing  if  there  were  not  found  among  the  fables  con- 
nected with  the  Cid  one  that  represents  him  as  the 


CHURCH   OF  SAN   ISIDORO. 

(  LEON. ) 


1066]  Youthful  Exploits.  53 

conqueror  of  the  traditional  enemy,  and  seeks  to 
exalt  Castille  at  the  expense  of  other  nations.  Such 
a  legend  does  indeed  exist  and  was  written  down  by 
Alfonso  in  his  History.  It  is  hard  to  imagine  how 
so  learned  a  man  allowed  himself  to  accept  as  fact 
a  narrative  containing  so  many  inherent  improbabili- 
ties, and  rejected  by,  or  unknown  to,  his  predecessors 
Lucas  de  Tuy,  and  the  Archbishop  Don  Rodrigo. 
He  probably  took  it  from  the  songs  of  the  gleemen 
which  he  often  mentions  though  always  with  distrust. 
Although  it  has  no  historical  foundation  whatever, 
it  is  worth  while  to  give  this  extravagant  legend  in 
the  words  of  the  Chronicle  of  the  Cid,  in  order  to 
show  how  the  Spaniards,  the  most  Catholic  nation, 
were  once  proud  to  think  they  had  withstood  the 
power  of  Rome.  It  further  illustrates  the  Spaniard's 
belief  in  the  past  glories  of  his  nation,  by  which  he 
has  ever  justified  his  haughty  conduct  towards  his 
neighbours,  and  his  jealous  dread  of  foreign  in- 
fluences. 

*'  Pope  Urban  held  council,  and  thither  resorted 
the  Emperor  Henry,  and  many  Christian  Kings,  and 
many  great  nobles.  And  the  Emperor  made  com- 
plaint of  King  Don  Fernando  of  Spain  that  he  would 
not  recognise  his  authority  but  refused  to  pay  him 
tribute  as  other  kings  were  wont  to  do.  So  he 
begged  the  Pope  to  compel  the  King  of  Spain  to 
recognise  his  authority  and  to  pay  him  tribute.  The 
Pope  sent  his  admonition  to  the  King,  bidding  him 
submit  to  the  authority  of  the  Emperor,  and  threat- 
ening to  send  a  crusade  against  him.  At  the  same 
time  the  Emperor  and  the  King  of  France  and  the 


54  The  Cid.  [1035- 

other  Kings  sent  him  a  cartel  of  defiance.  King 
Don  Fernando  when  he  saw  the  letters  was  sore 
alarmed,  for  he  feared  that  great  harm  would  befall 
Castille  if  this  should  come  to  pass  ;  so  he  held  a 
council  of  all  the  honourable  men  of  his  kingdom. 
These,  seeing  on  the  one  hand  the  great  power  of 
the  Church,  and  on  the  other  hand  the  great  damage 
that  would  arise  if  Castille  and  Leon  should  be 
tributary,  knew  not  how  to  counsel  him.  But  at  last 
they  bade  him  be  obedient  to  the  Pope's  command. 
Now  in  this  council  the  Cid  Ruydiez  had  no  part, 
for  he  had  but  lately  taken  Jimena  Gomez  to  wife 
and  was  gone  to  join  her.  While  matters  stood 
thus  he  arrived,  and  the  King  shewed  him  the  letters 
and  told  him  the  whole  matter,  and  what  all  his 
nobles  bade  him  do.  And  he  charged  him  on  his 
duty  as  a  loyal  vassal  to  advise  him  as  his  lord.  The 
Cid,  when  he  heard  all  this,  was  right  sorry  at  heart, 
but  rather  because  of  the  advice  that  the  nobles  had 
given  to  the  King  than  because  of  the  message  from 
the  Emperor's  Court.  So  the  Cid  turned  to  the  King 
his  lord  and  said  to  him :  *  Sir,  a  bad  day  for  Spain 
was  that  on  which  you  were  born,  if  in  your  time 
she  shall  be  put  to  tribute,  for  never  has  this  thing 
been  until  now.  For  all  the  honour  that  God  be- 
stowed upon  you  and  all  the  favour  he  showed  you 
becomes  of  no  avail.  And,  sir,  he  who  bids  you  do 
thus  is  not  loyal,  nor  desires  your  honour,  nor  your 
sovereignty.  But,  sir,  since  they  will  have  it  so,  send 
and  defy  them,  and  let  us  go  and  fight  them  on  their 
own  ground.  You,  sir,  shall  take  five  thousand 
Moorish  knights   whom    the    Moorish    kings    your 


1066]  Yoicthful  Exploits.  55 

vassals  will  lend  to  you,  and  I,  sir,  will  be  your  mar- 
shal {aposcntador)  and  will  go  on  before  with  one 
thousand  nine  hundred  of  my  friends  and  vassals 
to  fix  the  camps.  You,  sir,  are  one  whom  God 
loves  greatly  and  he  will  not  suffer  your  honour  to 
perish.' 

''  And  the  King  held  the  counsel  which  the  Cid  Ruy- 
diez  gave  him  for  good,  and  he  took  heart  and  great 
encouragement  and  thanked  him  earnestly.  The 
story  goes  on  to  tell  how  King  Don  Fernando  or- 
dered letters  to  be  written,  and  in  them  he  begged 
the  Pope  not  to  take  action  against  him  unjustly. 
'  For  Spain,'  he  said,  '  was  conquered  by  those  who 
dwell  in  her,  and  by  the  blood  that  our  forefathers 
shed  abundantly,  and  never  were  they  subject  to 
tribute,  nor  will  we  be  so  in  any  manner,  but  will 
rather  die  for  it.'  Moreover,  he  sent  his  letters  to 
the  Emperor  and  to  the  others,  telling  them  that 
they  knew  right  well  that  what  they  asked  of  him 
was  unjust,  and  wrong,  and  an  insult,  since  they  had 
no  jurisdiction  or  just  claim  upon  him.  So  he  begged 
them  not  to  interrupt  the  war  which  he  was  carrying 
on  against  the  enemies  of  the  faith.  Moreover,  he 
told  them  that,  if  they  refused  to  do  as  he  bade  them, 
he  would  renounce  their  friendship,  and  that  he  defied 
them  and  would  go  to  meet  them  all  on  their  own 
ground. 

"  Whilst  this  message  was  on  its  way,  he  ordered 
his  people  to  make  ready,  as  he  had  agreed  with  the 
Cid.  So  he  set  out  accompanied  by  eight  thousand 
nine  hundred  knights,  what  with  his  own  and  those 
of  the  Cid,  and  the  Cid  went  on  before.     And  after 


56  The  Ctd.  [1035- 

they  had  passed  the  gates  of  Aspe  "^  they  found  the 
people  in  an  uproar,  so  that  they  refused  to  sell  food 
to  them.  But  the  Cid  began  burning  all  the  land  and 
plundering  all  that  he  could  lay  hand  on  of  the  prop- 
erty of  those  who  refused  to  sell  them  food  ;  but  to 
those  who  brought  them  food  he  did  no  harm  what- 
soever. And  so  well  were  his  plans  laid,  that  when 
the  King  came  up  with  his  people,  they  found  ready 
prepared  everything  they  needed.  This  was  carried 
out  in  such  a  manner  that  the  fame  of  it  went  abroad 
throughout  all  the  land  and  all  men  trembled. 

*'  Then  the  Count  Don  Remon,  lord  of  Savoy,  with 
authority  of  the  King  of  F'rance,  assembled  twenty 
thousand  knights  and  came  to  the  hither  side  of  Tou- 
louse to  check  the  march  of  King  Don  Fernando. 
But  he  met  with  his  marshal,  the  Cid,  going  on  before 
to  fix  the  camps  ;  and  they  fought  a  stubborn  fight. 
The  army  of  the  Count  was  defeated  and  the  Count 
himself  made  prisoner  and  many  others  with  him  ; 
many  moreover  were  slain.  Then  the  Count  be- 
sought the  Cid  to  let  him  go,  and  promised  to  give 
him  his  daughter  who  was  exceeding  beautiful.  And 
the  Cid  did  as  he  besought  him,  and  the  Count  sent 
for  his  daughter  and  gave  her  to  the  Cid,  who  straight- 
way set  him  free,  and  by  this  daughter  of  the  Count 
of  Savoy  King  Don  Fernando  had  a  son,  the  worthy 
Cardinal.  After  this  the  Cid  fought  another  fight 
with  all  the  mightiest  of  France,  and  he  overcame 
them  unaided,  for  King  Don  Fernando  and  his  folk 
never  came  up  in  time  to  take  part  in  these  battles. 


*  A  famous  pass  in  the  Pyrenees  leading  from  Jaca  in   Spain  to 
Oloron  in  France. 


1066]  Youthful  Exploits.  5  7 

Now  the  fame  of  these  exploits  and  of  the  gallant 
deeds  of  the  Cid  reached  the  ears  of  the  council,  and 
one  and  all  they  became  aware  that  he  was  a  con- 
queror in  battle,  and  they  knew  not  what  to  deter- 
mine. So  they  besought  the  Pope  of  his  grace  to 
send  his  letters  ordering  King  Don  Fernando  to  return 
to  his  own  land,  for  they  would  have  none  of  his  trib- 
ute. And  whilst  the  King  was  beyond  Toulouse 
these  letters  reached  him,  and  he  took  counsel  with 
the  Cid  and  with  all  his  honourable  men,  and  they 
advised  him  to  send  thither  two  of  his  honourable 
men  to  bid  the  Pope  send  a  Cardinal  with  power  to 
certify  that  never  again  should  such  a  claim  be  made 
upon  Castille  under  the  penalty  of  a  great  forfeit, 
which  should  be  agreed  upon.  Moreover,  represen- 
tatives of  the  Emperor  and  the  other  Kings  should 
come  with  full  powers  to  confirm  this  agreement, 
and,  until  such  time  as  they  arrived,  he  would  re- 
main where  he  was.  But  he  told  them  that,  if  they 
did  not  come  or  send,  he  would  go  to  fetch  them 
where  they  were.  When  they  came  to  the  Pope 
and  gave  him  the  letters,  he  was  sore  afraid  and  took 
counsel  with  all  the  honourable  and  good  men  of  his 
council  how  they  should  act.  And  they  made  an- 
swer bidding  him  do  according  as  the  King  required, 
for  none  would  fight  with  him  by  reason  of  the  good 
fortune  of  the  Cid  his  vassal.  Then  the  Pope  sent 
with  full  powers  Micer  Roberto,  Cardinal  of  Santa 
Sabina,  and  there  bore  him  company  the  heralds  of 
the  Emperor  and  of  the  other  Kings,  and  they  deter- 
mined the  question  between  them  right  well,  that 
never  again  should  such  a  claim  be  made  against  the 


58  The  Czd.  noas- 

King  of  Spain.  And  the  writings  that  they  made 
with  regard  to  this  matter  were  signed  by  the  Pope, 
and  the  Emperor,  and  the  other  Kings  there  pres- 
ent, and  were  sealed  with  their  seals.  And  while 
all  this  was  being  put  in  order  the  King  remained 
in  that  place  six  months.  And  the  Pope  sent  to 
beg  of  him  the  daughter  of  the  Count,  who  was  al- 
ready far  gone  with  child,  and  he  sent  her  to  him 
by  the  advice  of  the  Cid  his  vassal.  And  he  sent 
and  told  him  all  the  truth,  and  begged  him  of  his 
grace  that  she  might  be  put  in  safe  keeping.  And 
the  Pope  gave  orders  for  her  to  be  kept  until  her 
time  came  and  she  bore  the  Abbot  Don  Fernando. 
The  Pope  was  his  godfather  and  brought  him  up 
right  well  and  honourably,  and  granted  dispensation 
that  he  might  fill  any  office  in  the  Church,  and  after- 
wards he  was  greatly  honoured  as  you  shall  hear 
further  on  in  the  story."^  So  King  Don  Fernando 
returned  with  much  honour  to  his  land  .  .  .  and 
by  reason  of  the  glory  that  the  King  had  won  he 
was  afterwards  called  Don  Fernando  the  Great  {cl 
MagJio),  the  peer  of  the  Emperor.  And  this  was  the 
reason  why  men  said  that  they  had  passed  the  Gates 
of  Aspe  in  spite  of  the  Frenchmen." 

Two  more  successful  expeditions  against  the  Moors 
brought  King  Fernando's  long  career  of  conquest  to 
an  end.     In  io64f  he  prepared  to  march  into  Portu- 


*  No  further  mention  is  made  of  this  personage  in  the  Crdnica  del 
Cid. 

\  The  Monk  of  Silos,  who  was  nearly,  if  not  quite,  a  contempo- 
rary, places  this  expedition  before  the  conquests  beyond  the  Duero 
^nd  the  taking  of  San  Esteban  de  Gormaz, 


1066] 


Youthful  Exploits.  59 


gal,  having  first  invoked  the  aid  of  the  Apostle  by 
a  pilgrimage  to  his  shrine  at  Compostela.  He  laid 
siege  to  Coimbra  and  took  it  after  six  months.  This 
was  an  unusually  long  time  for  an  army  to  be  kept 
together  in  the  enemy's  country,  and  from  this  cir- 
cumstance, and  from  the  accounts  of  the  chroniclers, 
it  is  probable  that  he  was  helped  by  the  viuzdrabe 
inhabitants  of  the  country.  In  the  principal  mosque 
of  the  city,  which  had  been  hastily  consecrated  as  a 
church,  the  Cid  was  dubbed  a  knight.  He  had  well 
earned  this  distinction  by  his  exploits  during  the 
siege.  It  is,  in  fact,  impossible  to  understand  how 
it  had  been  withheld  from  him  so  long,  if  one-half 
of  the  mighty  deeds  attributed  to  him  before  this 
time  were  true.  In  order  now  to  do  him  still  fur- 
ther honour,  the  King  when  he  embraced  him,  as  was 
the  custom  towards  new-made  knights,  kissed  him 
on  the  mouth  and  omitted  the  usual  blow  on  the 
neck  with  the  flat  of  a  sword.  According  to  the 
ballad,  the  Queen  girt  on  his  sword,  and  the  Infanta 
Urraca,  her  elder  daughter,  buckled  on  the  golden 
spurs.  Immediately  after  being  dubbed  a  knight,  the 
Cid  was  allowed  to  confer  the  same  honour  on  nine 
of  his  chosen  companions. 

The  King's  pilgrimage  to  Compostela  had  not 
been  in  vain  ;  Santiago  still  further  established  his 
claim  to  be  considered  the  patron  of  Spain  by  a 
miracle  which  took  place  during  the  siege  of  Coim- 
bra. There  had  come  to  his  shrine  in  Galicia  a  pilgrim 
from  Greece  whom  the  chroniclers  call  Don  Estraiio. 
He  was  a  bishop,  but  had  quitted  his  bishopric  "in 
order  to  labour  with  his  body  in  the  service  of  God." 


6o  The  Cid. 


[1035- 


At  Compostela  he  often  heard  Santiago  spoken  of 
as  a  knight  who  aided  the  Christians  in  their  battles 
against  the  Moors.  Considering  this  as  an  outrage 
on  the  sacred  character,  he  rebuked  those  who  spoke 
thus,  saying:  "  Friends,  call  him  not  a  knight  but  a 
fisher,  for  he  never  rode,  or  even  mounted  a  horse." 
Shortly  after  this,  Don  Estraiio  fell  into  a  trance, 
and  the  Saint  appeared  to  him  bearing  keys  in  his 
hands.  He  declared  himself  to  be  a  knight  of  Jesus 
Christ  and  helper  of  the  Christians  against  the  Moors. 
As  he  uttered  these  words  there  was  brought  to  him 
a  horse  exceeding  white,  and  the  Apostle  Santiago 
mounted  upon  it,  armed  at  all  points  with  new,  shin- 
ing, and  beautiful  armour,  like  a  goodly  knight,  and 
proved  his  skill  by  riding  three  times  round  his  own 
church.  In  order  to  convince  the  good  bishop  of 
the  genuineness  of  his  vision,  he  revealed  to  him 
the  day  and  hour  at  which  the  gate  of  Coimbra 
should  be  unlocked  by  the  keys  that  he  bore.  This 
prophecy  the  bishop  communicated  to  the  people 
of  Compostela,  and  the  event  proved  its  truth.  The 
newly-conquered  province  was  placed  in  charge  of  a 
certain  Sisenander,  who,  captured  by  the  Saracens  in 
his  youth,  had  risen  to  great  authority  among  them. 
Once  reconciled  to  the  Christians  to  whom  he  be- 
longed by  birth,  he  proved  a  faithful  and  able  ally. 

About  the  end  of  the  year  1062  or  beginning  of 
1063  occurred  the  battle  of  Grados  of  which  we 
know  little  more  than  the  name.  The  contending 
leaders  were  Ramiro  of  Aragon,  and  Sancho,  son  of 
King  Fernando.  The  victory  is  disputed.  The  two 
accounts  that  have  come  down  to  us  of  the  battle 


1066]  Youthful  Exploits,  6i 

are  consistent  with  one  another,  but  are  difficult  to 
reconcile  with  indisputable  facts  drawn  from  other 
sources.  The  author  of  the  Gesta,  whose  state- 
ments are  generally  trustworthy,  writes  :  "  When 
Sancho  the  King  marched  against  Saragossa,  and 
fought  with  King  Ramiro  of  Aragon  at  Grados,  and 
conquered  and  slew  him,  then  Sancho  the  King  took 
Rodrigo  Diaz  with  him,  and  he  was  present  at  the 
victory." 

The  inscription  on  Ramiro's  tomb  in  the  monas- 
tery of  San  Juan  de  la  Pena,  taken  in  connection 
with  other  evidence,  makes  it  certain  that  he  died  on 
May  8,  1063.  Yet  other  documents  show  that  his 
son,  Sancho,  was  King  of  Aragon  in  Februar^^  of  the 
same  year.  In  order  to  avoid  the  seeming  contradic- 
tion, it  has  been  suggested  that  the  battle  of  Grados 
was  fought  in  January,  1063,  and  that  Ramiro  was 
so  seriously  wounded  that  he  abdicated  immedi- 
ately after  the  battle  and  died  four  months  later. 
This  supposition  is  consistent  with  the  account  of 
Ramiro's  death  as  given  by  an  Arabic  historian.  He 
states  that  Al-muktadir  Ibn-Hud  (1046-1081),  King 
of  Saragossa,  marched  out  to  fight  Ramiro,  ''  the 
prince  of  the  Christians."  Al-muktadir's  troops  were 
already  routed,  when  one  of  his  warriors  named  Sa- 
dada  treacherously  approached  Ramiro  and  wounded 
him  in  the  eye  with  a  lance-thrust.  Ramiro  fell  to 
the  ground,  and  the  would-be  murderer  called  aloud 
"  The  King  is  dead,  O  Christians."  Ramiro's  troops 
were  thereupon  defeated  and  dispersed. 

It  is  almost  impossible  to  reject  this  cumulative 
evidence,  yet  it  affords  no  explanation  of  the  pres- 


62  The  Cid.  [1035- 

ence  of  Don  Sancho  of  Castille  and  the  Cid  in  the 
battle.  We  cannot  however  thrust  aside  the  distinct 
statement  of  the  Gesta,  and  must  suppose  either 
that  they  were  present  as  aUies  of  Al-muktadir,  or 
that  the  chronicler  has  confused  the  battle  of  Grados 
with  that  of  the  Three  Sanchos,  four  years  later, 
which  he  passes  over  in  silence.  This  latter  supposi- 
tion is  supported  by  the  fact  that  Sancho  of  Castille, 
in  the  account  given  by  the  Gesta,  is  called  King,  a 
title  to  which,  so  far  as  we  know,  he  had  no  right 
until  after  his  father's  death  in  1065. 

After  carrying  his  frontier  southward  as  far  as  the 
river  Mondego,  King  Fernando  was  minded  to  pass 
the  rest  of  his  days  in  peace  and  in  works  of  piety. 
Many  tales  are  told  of  the  simplicity  of  his  life,  and 
of  his  generosity  to  the  monks,  who  made  him  in  some 
sort  their  hero.  Sometimes  he  would  lay  aside  his 
royal  robes  and  humbly  serve  them  as  a  lay  brother 
at  table.  One  day,  while  hearing  the  Hours,  accord- 
ing to  his  custom,  in  the  church  of  S.  Mary  at  Leon, 
he  noticed  that  those  who  served  the  altar  were  bare- 
foot. He  found  on  enquiry  that  the  reason  of  this 
was  their  poverty,  and  he  set  aside  a  yearly  sum  to 
provide  them  with  shoes. 

At  Sahagun,  a  place  he  greatly  loved,  and  which 
he  had  once  intended  to  be  his  sepulchre,  he  was 
accustomed  to  take  part  in  the  devotions  of  the 
monks,  ''singing  sweetly  with  them  in  the  choir." 
After  the  ofifices  he  would  ask  the  Abbot  what  they 
had  to  eat,  and  would  accompany  him  to  the  com- 
mon refectory  and  dine  meagrely  on  whatever  might 
be  set  before  him.     When  special  food  was  prepared 


t066i  Youthful  Exploits.  63 

for  him  by  his  own  servants,  the  monks  too  had  their 
share.  Dining  thus  one  day  with  the  Abbot,  they 
gave  him  to  drink  in  the  Abbot's  own  glass,  and  it 
fell  from  his  hand  and  was  broken.  The  King  was 
sore  grieved  thereat,  and  sent  straightway  for  a 
golden  cup  set  with  precious  stones,  and  gave  it  to 
the  Abbot,  adding  also,  as  a  sign  of  his  favour,  a 
considerable  donation  in  lands. 

From  this  tranquillity  the  old  King  was  aroused 
by  a  revolt  of  the  Saracens  of  Celtiberia  and  Carpen- 
taria on  his  eastern  frontier.  Old  and  feeble  as  he 
was,  and  given  up  to  the  contemplation  of  his 
approaching  end,  he  at  first  heeded  not  at  all.  But 
the  Queen,  Dona  Sancha,  a  wife  worthy  of  a  great 
conqueror,  braced  him  to  a  last  effort.  She  pointed 
out  how  failure  at  the  last  would  tarnish  a  long  list  of 
brilliant  successes;  it  is  said  that  she  even  gave  the 
whole  of  her  private  fortune  towards  the  fitting  out 
of  the  expedition  that  followed.  Led  by  the  King 
in  person,  it  passed,  burning,  slaying,  and  plundering, 
through  Murcia,  and  actually  reached  the  shores  of 
the  Mediterranean  near  Valencia.  Had  the  King 
been  young  and  vigorous  as  of  old,  he  might  have 
fulfilled  the  boast  of  the  chroniclers  and  made  all 
Spain  tributary  to  him.  But  he  fell  ill,  and  San  Isi- 
doro,  whose  body  he  had  so  signally  honoured,  warned 
him  that  his  end  was  near.  He  returned  hastily  to 
his  own  dominions,  and,  sick  unto  death,  reached  the 
city  of  Leon  on  Christmas  Eve,  1065. 

Next  morning  he  was  in  his  usual  place  in  the  choir 
of  the  church  of  San  Isidoro,  and,  with  the  hand  of 
death  upon  him,  he  sang  the  Matins  of  the  Nativity. 


64  The  Cid.  [1035-67 

On  S.  Stephen's  Day  he  arrayed  himself  for  the  last 
time  in  his  royal  robes,  and,  wearing  his  crown,  he 
visited  on  his  knees  the  relics  he  had  piously  collected 
from  all  parts  of  his  kingdom.  Before  the  shrine  of 
San  Isidoro  he  stripped  off  his  gold-embroidered 
robes  and  placed  his  crown  upon  the  altar,  humbly 
confessing  the  nothingness  of  kings.  Then  he  put 
sackcloth  on  his  body  and  ashes  on  his  head  and, 
after  publicly  deploring  his  sins,  was  shrived  clean 
by  the  bishops  there  present.  All  night  long  he 
wept  and  bewailed  his  transgressions,  still  wearing 
the  weeds  of  penitence,  and  on  S.  John's  Day,  at  the 
sixth  hour,  he  died  peacefully.  His  body  was  buried 
beside  that  of  his  father  which  he  had  brought  to  his 
new  church.  The  contents  of  his  will  were  known 
before  his  death,  and  men  were  prepared  for  the  evil 
days  which  were  to  follow. 


CHAPTER  III. 

REIGN   OF  DON  SANCHO. 
I065-IO72. 

DON  FERNANDO,  more  than  any  other,  ought 
to  have  known  that,  in  order  to  carry  on  his 
Hfelong  task  of  winning  back  the  land  from 
the  Saracens,  Spain  needed  to  be  united.  But  af- 
fection for  his  children  outweighed  political  wisdom, 
and  he  made  use  of  the  privilege  assumed  by  the 
Kings  of  Leon  in  troubled  times  to  leave  his  domin- 
ions to  whom  he  would.  His  sons  and  daughters  had 
been  carefully  educated.  They  had  acquired,  says  a 
contemporary  author,  such  liberal  learning  as  the  age 
could  afford,  and,  besides  this,  the  boys  had  been 
trained,  '*  according  to  the  Spanish  custom,  in  hunt- 
ing, riding,  and  warlike  exercises.  The  girls  were 
perfected  in  all  becoming  womanly  pursuits,  lest 
idleness  should  blunt  their  minds." 

In  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  their  father's 
will,  Sancho  the  eldest  son,  received  Castille  and  a 
part  of  Navarre  including  Nagera  and  Pamplona  : 
Alfonso,  the  second  and  dearest  loved,  received  Leon 
and  Asturias  together  with  the  Campos  Goticos : 
Garcia,  the  youngest  of  the  three  brothers,  inherited 
5  65 


66  The  Cid. 


[1065 


Galicia  and  the  part  of  Portugal  north  of  the  river 
Mondego.  In  pursuance  of  his  plan  for  securing  the 
independence  of  each  of  his  children,  Fernando  gave 
to  Urraca,  his  first  born,  the  strong  city  of  Zamora 
with  its  district,  and  to  Elvira,  his  second  daughter, 
the  neighbouring  city  of  Toro."^  It  was  clear  that  this 
division  of  the  kingdom  must  end  in  disaster,  and 
there  is  probably  some  truth  in  the  legend  that  Don 
Sancho  had  from  the  first  refused  to  abide  by  it, 
claiming  the  whole  as  his  birthright  in  spite  of  the 
curse  pronounced  by  King  Fernando  on  him  who 
should  first  disturb  his  brothers'  possessions.  For 
two  years,  however,  Don  Sancho's  fierce  and  passion- 
ate temper  was  restrained  by  his  mother,  the  good 
Queen  Dona  Sancha.  He  employed  his  energies  in 
fighting  with  the  Moors  of  Saragossa  with  whom  he 
had  some  disagreements. 

The  real  object  of  this  campaign  is  said  -to  have 
been  the  extension  of  the  Castillian  frontier  to  the 
Ebro,  but  apparently  it  was  unsuccessful,  for,  in 
later  documents,  districts  to  the  south  of  the  river 
are  mentioned  as  still  belonging  to  the  Navarrese. 
Sancho  of  Castille  met  his  match  in  his  cousin 
Sancho  Garces  of  Navarre  and  in  Sancho  Ramirez 
of  Aragon  who  had  entered  into  a  close  alliance, 
probably  for  the  purpose  of  checking  the  growing 
power  of  Castille.  In  1067  a  battle,  known  as  the 
battle  of  the  Three  Sanchos,  was  fought  near  the 


*  Some  doubt  has  been  cast  upon  this  bequest  to  the  two  Infantas. 
The  monk  of  Silos  merely  says  that  the  King  left  to  his  daughters  all 
the  monasteries  of  Spain,  bidding  them  lead  a  single  life.  Seethe 
beautiful  ballad,  No.  763,  in  the  Romancero  of  Duran. 


1072]  Reign  of  Don  Sancho.  67 

site  of  the  city  of  Viana  at  a  place  called  the  Field  of 
Truth  (Caiiipo  dc  la  Verdad)  from  its  use  as  the 
scene  of  judicial  combats.  All  that  is  known  of  this 
engagement  is  that  it  was  hotly  contested  and  that, 
in  the  end,  the  King  of  Castille  was  obliged  to 
escape  on  horseback,  abandoning  to  his  cousin  San- 
cho of  Navarre  the  lands  he  had  previously  gained 
in  the  Rioja. 

It  is  at  this  period  that  documents  of  recognised  au- 
thenticity first  make  mention  of  the  Cid.  According 
to  these,  he  was  left  by  Don  Fernando  in  charge  of 
Don  Sancho,  who  was  careful  for  his  welfare  and 
made  him  a  belted  knight.  After  a  successful  ex- 
pedition against  Aragon,  Don  Sancho's  affection  for 
the  Cid  increased  and  he  made  him  his  standard-bearer 
and  chief  of  all  his  army  ;  ''  so  Rodrigo  waxed  great 
and  became  a  mighty  man  of  war  and  Campeador  at 
the  Court  of  King  Don  Sancho."  It  must  be  no- 
ticed that  this  account  is  scarcely  consistent  with 
the  theory  which  makes  the  Cid  little  more  than 
twenty  years  old  at  this  time. 

In  1068  hostilities  broke  out  between  the  two  elder 
brothers,  Sancho  and  Alfonso,  and  a  great  battle  was 
fought  at  Llantada  (now  Plantadilla,  twenty  miles 
northeast  of  Palencia).  Don  Sancho  proved  victori- 
ous, thanks  to  the  Cid's  help,  but  for  reasons  that  are 
not  stated  he  did  not  make  use  of  his  victory  to  de- 
prive his  brother  of  his  kingdom.  Peace  was  restored, 
and  lasted  for  three  years.  It  was  probably  the  rash 
Garcia,  King  of  Galicia,  who  first  gave  his  brother 
the  example  of  aggression  by  depriving  their  sister, 
Urraca,  of  half  her  inheritance.     Sancho  took  upon 


68  The  Cid. 


[1065- 


himself  the  duty  of  maintaining  his  sister's  rights, 
and  tried  to  persuade  Alfonso  to  join  him  in  an  ex- 
pedition against  Garcia,  promising  him  half  of  the 
kingdom  of  Galicia,  which  he  doubted  not  would  be 
easily  conquered  by  their  united  arms.  But  Alfonso 
knew  that  his  brother's  ruin  would  be  but  a  step 
towards  his  own,  and  refused  to  share  in  the  enter- 
prise. When  asked  to  grant  Don  Sancho's  army  a 
free  passage  through  his  dominions,  he  replied  that 
he  would  neither  hinder  nor  aid  him.  Unrestrained 
by  the  representations  of  his  nobles  and  advisers, 
who  besought  him  not  to  bring  upon  himself  his 
father's  curse,  Don  Sancho  hurried  on  his  prepara- 
tions for  the  invasion  of  Galicia.  He  collected  a 
powerful  army  of  Castillians,  Leonese,  Asturians, 
and  Navarrese,  and  accompanied  by  a  considerable 
body  of  Aragonese  mercenaries  he  marched  west- 
ward, after  first  sending  a  message  to  Garcia,  bid- 
ding him  surrender  or  accept  his  challenge.  Garcia 
replied  begging  his  brother  to  remember  the  curse 
uttered  by  their  father,  and  threatening  resistance 
should  it  become  necessary.  He  moreover  sent  a 
request  to  his  neighbour,  Alfonso,  urging  him-  to 
prevent  the  passage  of  a  hostile  force  through  his 
mountainous  country.  But  Alfonso,  ever  cautious, 
maintained  his  strictly  neutral  attitude  and  replied 
merely :  "  If  he  can  help  himself  I  shall  be  glad." 

Left  thus  to  his  own  resources,  Garcia  set  about 
collecting  an  army,  but  he  was  ill  supported  by  the 
powerful  barons  of  the  country,  who  regarded  as  an 
insult  to  themselves  the  riches  and  honours  that  he 
had  lavished  on  an  unworthy  favourite.    Accordingly 


1072]  Reign  of  Don  Sancho.  69 

they  met  the  King's  summons  to  appear  before  him 
in  arms  for  the  purpose  of  defending  the  land  with 
a  counter  demand  that  the  favourite  should  be  put 
away  and  abuses  remedied  throughout  the  kingdom. 
On  Garcia's  haughty  refusal  the  nobles  murdered  his 
favourite  in  his  presence.  The  King  showed  great 
severity  to  those  whom  he  suspected  of  a  share 
in  this  outrage  ;  his  other  subjects  were  alienated 
by  ruinous  taxation  and  acts  of  oppression ;  all 
chance  of  making  his  own  cause  the  national  one 
was  gone.  Nevertheless,  at  the  head  of  a  small  body 
of  picked  troops,  he  at  first  obtained  some  slight  suc- 
cesses against  a  detachment  of  the  invading  army. 
When  the  main  body  came  up  he  was  obliged  to 
retire  into  Portugal  and  look  helplessly  on  whilst  his 
Galician  dominions  were  harried  and  overrun.  Re- 
verses made  him  somewhat  more  prudent,  but  he 
was  brought  to  bay  at  last. 

His  Portuguese  subjects,  whom  his  father  had 
freed  from  the  Saracen  yoke,  did  not  share  in  the 
ill-will  which  the  Galician  nobles  bore  him,  and  by 
adroit  flattery  he  obtained  promises  of  help  from 
them.  It  is  said  that  he  even  applied  to  the  Sara- 
cens for  aid,  promising  to  give  up  to  them  Leon 
and  Galicia,  if  they  would  enable  him  to  take  ven- 
geance on  his  brother.  But  he  met  with  a  rebuff, 
for  the  princes  to  whom  he  applied  tauntingly  asked 
how  one  who  had  no  kingdom  that  he  could  call  his 
own  proposed  to  bestow  kingdoms  on  others.  Un- 
successful in  obtaining  help  in  troops,  he  succeeded 
in  borrowing  money,  and  on  his  return  to  Portugal, 
he  won  back  many  of  the  castles  which  had  been 


70  The  Cid.  [1065- 

occupied  b}"  the  Castilliaii  forces.  After  some  desul- 
tory fighting  he  was  shut  up  in  Santarem,  and  so 
hotly  pressed  that  even  during  the  night  the  garri- 
son was  obliged  to  defend  the  walls  against  repeated 
attacks. 

But  Garcia  felt  strong  enough  to  fight  without 
the  protection  of  walls,  so  he  marched  out  of  the 
city  and  staked  his  fortune  on  the  event  of  a  pitched 
battle.  The  field  was  stubbornly  contested  at  first, 
but  when  some  of  the  Castillian  leaders  were  slain 
and  others  wounded,  their  followers  were  thrown 
into  confusion  and  fled.  Don  Sancho  himself,  says 
the  chronicler,  was  captured  by  his  brother  who 
gave  him  in  charge  to  six  trusty  knights,  and  then 
rode  off  to  continue  the  pursuit.  Left  alone  with 
his  guards  Sancho  attempted  to  induce  them  to  let 
him  go,  promising  them  a  rich  reward  and  under- 
taking to  quit  the  kingdom  of  Galicia  and  never 
more  to  trouble  it.  The  knights  had  just  proudly 
refused  to  betray  their  trust  when  up  rode  Alvar 
Fafiez  who  afterwards  became  so  famous  a  captain 
under  King  Alfonso.  At  this  time  he  was  a  hot- 
headed youth  ;  that  very  morning,  says  the  chroni- 
cler, he  had  applied  to  Don  Sancho  for  a  horse  and 
arms,  for  he  had  gambled  away  his  own  to  his  com- 
panions in  the  camp.  The  King  had  granted  his 
request,  and  he  had  promised  that,  thus  well  mounted 
and  armed,  he  would  do  as  much  execution  in  the 
battle  as  six  knights.  Now  he  had  the  opportunity 
of  fulfilling  his  boastful  words.  Seeing  the  King 
a  captive  and  but  feebly  guarded,  he  assembled  a 
small  body  of  the  bolder  spirits  among  the  fugitives, 


1072] 


Reign  of  Don  Sancho.  7^ 


released   him,   and   led    him    to  a  thicket   hard  by. 
Here  he  found  a  considerable  body  of  the  discom- 
fited   Castillians,  and   by  urging   them  before  it  was 
too  late  to   act  in   a   manner  worthy  of  their  fame, 
he  had   already  got   together  a   body  of  four   hun- 
dred  mounted   men  when  the   green  banner  of  the 
Cid  was   seen  waving  in   the   distance.     Its  owner, 
who  had  not  been  present  during  the  early  part  of 
the  battle,  now  brought   up  three  hundred   lances, 
fresh   and   eager   for   fighting.     So  when  Garcia  re- 
turned from  the  pursuit  to  the  scene  of  the  battle, 
singing  and  congratulating  himself  on  the  complete- 
ness of  his  victory,  his   spirits  were  dashed   by  the 
news  that   not  only  was  Don    Sancho  free,  but  that 
he   was    prepared  to  renew  the  battle  with   better 
chances  of  success.     The  Galicians  and   Portuguese 
were  dispersed  in  every  direction,  engaged  in  pursuit 
and    in    plundering    the    enemy's    camp.      Garcia's 
body-guard   was   easily   routed,  and  he  himself  cap- 
tured  and   sent   as   a  prisoner  to  the  castle  of  Luna 
where  he  lived  many  years  a  prisoner.'^ 

Having   transgressed   his  father's    command    and 

*Most  historians,  following  Rodrigo  de  Toledo,  suppose  that 
Sancho  deprived  Alfonso  of  his  kingdom  before  Garcia.  Docu- 
ments quoted  by  Sandoval  {Cinco  Reyes)  go  to  shew  that  Garcia  had 
lost  Galicia  before  the  decisive  battle  of  Golpejara,  107 1  or  1072. 
The  last  extant  document  in  which  Garcia  is  called  King  of  Galicia  is 
dated  1069.  With  regard  to  these  events  I  have  followed  the  Crdnica 
General  which  is  fuller  and  somewhat  more  consistent  than  the  rest. 
The  story  of  the  capture  and  escape  of  Don  Sancho  at  Santarem 
must  be  regarded  with  suspicion  on  account  of  its  likeness  to  the 
more  trustworthy  account  of  the  battle  of  Golpejara.  Some  author- 
ities state  that  Garcia  escaped  and  found  refuge  among  the  Saracens. 
See  p.  106  and  note. 


72  The  Ctd,  noes- 

incurred  his  malediction,  it  was  not  to  be  supposed 
that  Sancho  would  rest  content  without  attempting 
to  win  the  whole  of  what  he  considered  his  birth- 
right. The  brief  and  haughty  message  that  had 
warned  Garcia  of  what  was  about  to  befall  him  was 
repeated,  addressed  this  time  to  Alfonso  of  Leon. 
A  pitched  battle  with  the  two  kingdoms  at  stake 
was  fought  by  agreement  at  Golpejara  on  the  river 
Carrion.  Alfonso  won  the  day,  and  utterly  routed 
the  forces  opposed  to  him.  Supposing  his  victory 
complete,  and  that  to  slay  the  fugitives  would  be 
to  slay  his  own  subjects,  he  checked  all  pursuit  and 
withdrew  to  his  camp.  Again  the  arrival  of  the 
Cid  changed  the  fortunes  of  the  day.  The  sight 
of  his  green  banner  gave  new  courage  to  the  flying 
King.  ''Sir,"  he  said,  "be  not  troubled,  for  it  is  in 
God's  hands  to  humble  or  to  exalt.  And,  Sir,  col- 
lect the  flying  people  about  you,  and  speak  to  them, 
and  comfort  them,  and  to-morrow  at  dawn  return  to 
the  field,  for  the  enemy  will  fancy  themselves  secure 
by  reason  of  the  good  fortune  that  has  fallen  to 
their  lot.  Moreover  the  Galicians  and  Leonese  are 
given  to  much  talking,  and  at  this  moment  they 
are  with  the  King  Don  Alfonso,  their  lord,  brag- 
ging of  what  they  have  done,  for  they  love  big 
words  and  their  speech  is  overbearing  and  raillery 
is  their  delight.  If  it  be  God's  will,  their  joy  of 
to-day  shall  be  turned  to  grief,  for  everything  is  in 
the  power  of  God  to  accomplish  it,  and  if  it  please 
Him,  Sir,  you  shall  regain  honour." 

As  the  Cid  had  foreseen,  the  Leonese  and  Gali- 
cians caroused   deeply   after  their   victory,   and   at 


1072]  Reign  of  Do7i  Sancho.  jt, 

dawn  they  slept,  little  thinking  that  the  enemy  was 
upon  them.  To  attack  them  thus  unprepared  was 
little  less  than  treachery,  for  it  had  been  agreed  that 
the  quarrel  of  the  brothers  should  be  decided  by  a 
single  battle.  Taken  at  a  disadvantage,  they  never- 
theless for  a  time  made  a  stubborn  resistance.  Their 
retreat  was  rapidly  becoming  a  rout  when  their  King 
took  refuge  in  the  church  of  S.  Mary  of  Carrion. 
He  was  immediately  missed  and  a  gallant  rally  was 
made  to  prevent  his  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy.  It  was  unsuccessful,  but  during  the  confused 
fighting  that  followed,  Don  Sancho,  already  victori- 
ous, became  separated  from  the  main  body  of  his 
troops,  and  was  made  prisoner  by  a  small  detach- 
ment of  Leonese.  He  was  just  being  marched  off 
the  field  escorted  by  thirteen  of  his  captors,  when 
the  Cid  became  aware  of  what  had  happened. 
Without  waiting  to  summon  his  men  to  his  assist- 
ance, without  even  taking  a  new  lance  to  replace  the 
one  he  had  broken  in  the  battle,  he  hurried  up  to 
where  the  King  stood,  calling  aloud  "  Knights,  give 
me  back  my  lord  and  I  will  give  you  yours."  He 
was  immediately  recognised  by  his  well-known  ar- 
mour, and  those  whom  he  thus  addressed  answered, 
'^  Ruy  Diaz,  get  thee  gone  in  peace  and  strive  not 
with  us  lest  we  carry  thee  off  captive  along  with 
him."  His  reply  was  a  wrathful  challenge,  "Give 
me  but  one  of  your  lances,  and  I  alone  against  the 
thirteen  of  you  will  quit  my  lord  of  you.  This  will 
I  fulfil  by  God's  grace."  Seeing  him  thus  alone,  the 
Leonese  knights  made  light  of  his  threats  and  scorn- 
fully gave  him  the  lance  he  demanded.     They  soon 


74  The  Ctd.  [1065~ 

had  reason  to  rue  their  rashness,  for  he  fell  upon 
them  and  slew  eleven  and  put  the  other  two  to  flight. 
Joyfully  he  returned  to  his  comrades  accompanied 
by  the  liberated  King,  and  the  whole  army  set  out 
for  Burgos  bearing  with  it  Don  Alfonso  a  prisoner.^ 
Alfonso  had  always  been  the  favourite  of  his  elder 
sister,  Urraca.  She  had  stood  in  the  place  of  a 
mother  to  him,  watching  over  his  early  education 
and,  according  to  a  contemporary  writer,  even  dress- 
ing him  with  her  own  hands.  After  her  father's 
death  she  had  retired  from  the  world,  little  thinking 
how  conspicuous  a  part  she  would  be  obliged  to  play 
later  on.  At  home  she  wore  the  garb  of  a  nun, 
though  abroad  she  was  arrayed  as  befitted  the  dig- 
nity of  a  King's  daughter  and  independent  princess. 
When  tidings  came  to  her  that  Alfonso  was  a  pris- 
oner in  the  hands  of  Sancho,  she  feared  lest  Sancho, 
whose  violent  temper  she  well  knew,  would  murder 
him  in  a  fit  of  fury.  To  prevent  this  she  hurried 
to  Burgos,  and  the  better  to  secure  her  end,  she 
took  the  Cid  into  her  confidence.  By  his  advice 
she  proposed  to  Don  Sancho  that  he  should  set  his 
brother  free  on  condition  of  his  becoming  a  monk,  in 
the  monastery  of  Sahagun.  Don  Sancho  probably 
saw  that  this  was  merely  a  device  for  getting  Alfonso 
out  of  his  hands,  but  he  could  scarcely  refuse  so 
modest  a  request  and  condemn  a  second  brother  to 
perpetual  captivity.  Alfonso's  power  seemed  thor- 
oughly broken,  and  there  was  no  longer  any  reason 


*  Whereas  the  main  features  of  this  battle  as  here  recounted  are 
authentic,  the  details  and  conversations  are  undoubtedly  supplied  by 
the  imagination  of  the  chroniclers. 


1072]  Reign  of  Don  Sane  ho.  75 

to  fear  him.  The  defeated  King  entered  the  cloister 
along  with  his  three  faithful  adherents,  the  brothers 
Ansures,  and  these  also  bore  him  company  when, 
shortly  afterwards,  he  made  his  escape  from  Sahagun 
and  hurried  southward  to  beg  the  protection  of  his 
father's  former  vassal,  Al-mamun,  the  Saracen  King 
of  Toledo.  He  was  received  with  all  honour,  and 
granted  a  spacious  lodging  near  the  King's  palace  in 
order  to  secure  him  from  annoyance  from  the  fanati- 
cal Moslems  of  the  city.  An  oath  was  exacted  from 
him  that  he  would  love  and  defend  his  benefactor 
so  long  as  he  should  remain  with  him  and  would  not 
leave  the  city  without  his  consent.  Such  confidence 
had  Al-mamun  in  his  guest,  that  he  allowed  him  to 
fortify  the  village  of  Brihuega  on  the  Tagus  which 
had  been  assigned  to  him  for  hunting-quarters,  and 
was  garrisoned  by  a  body  of  Christian  huntsmen 
{monteros). 

So  Alfonso  passed  his  days  in  idleness,  waiting  for 
news  from  Castille,  and  making  observations  on  the 
strength  and  resources  of  Toledo  which  he  was  des- 
tined to  turn  to  advantage  at  a  later  date.  After 
the  city  fell  into  his  hands  some  fifteen  years  later, 
several  prodigies  were  remembered  or  invented  which 
ought  to  have  warned  Al-mamun  of  the  evil  that  was 
about  to  overtake  his  kingdom  by  Alfonso's  means. 

One  day  the  Moslems  of  Toledo  were  celebrating 
a  great  religious  festival  and  Al-mamun,  the  King, 
went  out  from  the  city  to  sacrifice  a  lamb  according 
to  custom.  With  him  went  the  ex-king  of  Leon 
walking  by  his  side,  and  behind  followed  the  great 
men  of  the  Court.     Meanwhile  two  of  the  courtiers 


7  6  The  Cid. 


[1065- 


fell  to  talking  of  the  Christian  whom  they  all,  like 
their  King,  -had  learned  to  love.  And  one  said, 
"  What  a  handsome  knight  is  this  Christian  and  how 
gallant  his  bearing ;  he  ought  to  be  king  over  broad 
lands."  His  fellow  answered,  "  I  dreamed  but  three 
nights  ago  that  this  same  Alfonso  entered  Toledo, 
mounted  on  a  huge  hog,  and  many  hogs  followed  him, 
and  they  rooted  up  all  Toledo  and  the  very  mosques 
along  with  it."  The  other  replied,  ''  Doubtless  this 
man  will  be  King  of  Toledo."  And  whilst  they 
talked  thus  a  lock  of  King  Don  Alfonso's  hair  rose  up 
and  stood  erect,  and  Al-mamun,  the  King,  stretched 
forth  his  hand  to  smooth  it  down,  but  as  soon  as  he 
removed  his  hand  it  rose  again.  The  two  Moors  un- 
derstood the  meaning  of  the  omen,  and  it  came  to  Al- 
mamun's  ears  through  a  courtier  who  had  overheard 
their  talk.  Al-mamun  sent  for  them  and  asked  their 
advice  as  to  what  he  should  do  in  so  delicate  a  matter. 
They  bade  him  slay  his  Christian  guest.  This  the 
King  refused  to  do,  and  contented  himself  with  de- 
manding the  repetition  of  the  oath  whereby  Alfonso 
had  bound  himself  to  hurt  neither  him  nor  his  sons. 
After  this  the  friendship  between  the  two  became 
even  stronger  than  before. 

On  another  occasion  Al-mamun  and  his  Court  were 
taking  their  pleasure  in  the  delightful  gardens  be- 
yond the  Tagus,  the  gardens  that  were  afterwards 
chosen  by  Tirso  de  Molina,  the  Spanish  Boccaccio, 
for  the  scene  of  his  stories.  Their  talk  was  of  the 
beauty  and  strength  of  Toledo,  the  noble  city  that 
lay  stretched  before  their  eyes,  crowned  by  its  fa- 
mous citadel  and  with  the  rapid  yellow  river  at  its 


1072]  Reign  of  D 071  Sancho.  "jj 

feet.  Al-mamun  was  in  right  royal  humour,  and  he 
boasted  that  Toledo  stood  safe  from  the  assaults  of 
Moor  or  Christian.  His  mood  was  damped  by  one 
of  the  courtiers.  ''  Sir,"  said  this  kill-joy,  "■  if  you 
will  not  take  it  ill,  I  will  tell  you  how  the  city  might 
be  lost.  If  it  were  besieged  seven  years,  and  each 
year  its  corn  and  wine  were  wasted  and  its  other  pro- 
duce, it  would  fall  through  lack  of  food."  Scarcely 
had  the  King  admitted  the  truth  of  these  words 
when  he  caught  sight  of  Alfonso  who  lay  hard  by 
among  the  trees  apparently  asleep.  His  secret  con- 
versation might  possibly  have  been  overheard  by  the 
Christian,  and  he  was  at  a  loss  to  know  what  to  do. 
His  courtiers  advised  him  to  make  sure  of  the  matter 
by  slaying  his  guest,  but  with  a  mixture  of  generos- 
ity and  prudence,  the  King  exclaimed,  "  Shall  I 
betray  my  promise?  Moreover  he  is  asleep  and  per- 
chance has  heard  nothing."  The  courtiers  replied, 
"  Sir,  wouldst  thou  know  if  he  is  really  asleep  ?  Go 
then  and  wake  him,  and  if  his  lips  be  wet,  he  was 
really  sleeping;  if  not,  he  was  awake."  So  Don  Al- 
fonso wetted  his  mouth  and  chin,  and  pretended  to 
rouse  himself  with  difificulty.  Thus  he  saved  his  life, 
and  later  events  shewed  that  he  had  not  forgotten 
the  secret  of  Toledo  ;  it  was  destined  to  make  him 
one  day  master  of  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Goths. 
When  Sancho  had  thus  ridded  himself  of  his  two 
brothers,  ''  he  placed  the  crown  upon  his  head  and 
called  himself  King  of  three  kingdoms."  He  was 
not,  however,  satisfied  as  yet,  for,  breaking  the  con- 
tinuity of  his  dominions  which  stretched  from  the 
Ebro  to  the  Western  Ocean,  and  from  the  Bay  of 


yS  The  Cid.  [1065- 

Biscay  to  the  upper  waters  of  the  Tagus,  stood  the 
two  independent  towns  of  Zamora  and  Toro,  the 
patrimony  of  his  sisters.  The  latter  he  gained  in 
a  campaign  that  was  Httle  more  than  a  parade,  and 
he  hoped  to  make  himself  master  of  Zamora  without 
difficulty.  A  haughty  message  was  sent  to  Urraca 
bidding  her  accept  in  exchange  for  the  city  certain 
estates  in  the  plains.  Zamora  is  one  of  the  most 
strongly  situated  places  in  Spain  and  at  this  period 
was  held  to  be  impregnable.  On  one  side  it  is  de- 
fended by  the  river  Duero,  and  on  the  other  the 
ground  rises  steeply  up  to  the  citadel  that  crowns 
its  rocky  height. 

Zamora  habi'a  por  nombre, 

Zamora  la  bien  cercada  : 
De  una  parte  la  cerca  el  Duero 

De  otra,  pena  tajada.* 

The  mistress  of  this  fortress  was  a  woman  of  bold 
and  determined  character,  gentle  towards  her  friends 
but  unbending  towards  her  enemies.  Sancho  knew 
that  it  was  by  her  advice  that  Alfonso  had  escaped 
to  Toledo  ;  so  long  as  Zamora  remained  in  the  hands 
of  those  whom  his  violence  and  aggression  had  made 
his  enemies,  it  might  at  any  time  serve  as  a  centre 
of  revolt.  If,  however,  he  could  induce  his  sister  to 
exchange  Zamora  for  an  undefended  town  in  the 
plains,  she  in  whom  he  recognised  the  leader  of  his 
enemies  would  be  in  his  power,  and  he  could  at  once 

*  Zamora  the  name  men  called  her — 
Zamora  the  well-walled  town — 
Where  Duero  has  left  her  defenceless 
Steep  slopes  the  precipice  down. 


c  c  c  c 


1072]  Reign  of  Don  Sa7icho.  79 

crush  any  hostile  attempt  by  immediately  depriving 
her  of  the  feeble  sources  of  her  strength. 

Urraca  saw  the  trap  and  refused  to  fall  into  it.  She 
replied  to  Sancho's  message  humbly  enough.  She 
begged  him  to  let  her  live  on  in  Zamora,  and  promised 
that  he  should  never  receive  any  disservice  from  her- 
self or  from  the  city.  But  Sancho  was  not  to  be 
turned  from  his  purpose  by  mild  words,  and  though 
it  was  now  winter  time  and  unfavourable  for  military 
operations  in  that  cold  and  bleak  land,  he  sent  forth 
his  messengers  from  Burgos,  bidding  his  vassals  as- 
semble by  the  first  day  of  March  at  Sahagun  for  the 
purpose  of  marching  against  Zamora.  Little  as  they 
approved  of  the  project,  they  nevertheless  obeyed 
his  command,  for,  as  the  chronicler  has  it,  "  although 
the  King  was  young,  and  his  beard  was  not  yet 
grown,  he  was  exceeding  fierce  and  high  hearted, 
and  the  people  feared  him  greatly." 

About  the  siege  of  Zamora  and  the  death  of  Don 
Sancho  by  the  hand  of  the  traitor  Bellido  Dolfos  a 
beautiful  legend  has  grown  up.  It  centres  in  the 
romantic  but  not  improbable  story  that  the  wise 
princess  Urraca  passionately  loved  the  Cid  and  had 
hoped  to  marry  him.  This  legend  is  worth  giving 
in  full,  for  its  main  features  are  quite  consistent  with 
the  trustworthy  accounts  of  important  events.  Don 
Sancho  was  still  at  Burgos  when  he  heard  that  a 
noble  army  was  gathered  together  at  Sahagun.  He 
thanked  God  for  havino;,  as  he  thou";ht,  delivered 
the  whole  of  his  father's  dominions  into  his  hands. 
After  calling  down  a  blessing  on  his  wicked  under- 
taking he  summoned  the  citizens  of  Burgos  to  escort 


8o  The  Cid. 


[1065- 


him  on  his  way  to  join  the  main  body  of  his  army. 
The  first  night  he  camped  at  Fromenta,  and  next 
day,  hurrying  past  Carrion  without  stopping,  he 
came  to  Sahagun.  Such  was  his  impatience,  that  in 
three  days  he  marched  down  the  valley  with  the 
whole  of  his  army  and  appeared  before  Zamora.  A 
site  was  at  once  marked  out  for  the  camp,  and  pro- 
clamation was  made  to  the  troops  that  no  act  of  hos- 
tility should  be  committed  against  the  citizens  until 
further  orders.  Then  the  King  set  out,  accompanied 
by  his  body-guard  {inesnadd),  to  go  round  the  city 
and  inspect  its  situation.  As  he  noted  its  strength, 
its  massive  walls,  and  the  number  of  its  towers,  his 
longing  to  possess  it  increased,  and  he  exclaimed, 
''  If  this  were  mine,  I  should  indeed  be  lord  of 
Spain." 

Hoping  that  his  sister,  when  she  saw  the  strong 
force  encamped  beneath  her  walls,  might  be  induced 
to  submit,  or  wishing  to  shift  part  of  the  respon- 
sibility for  an  unnatural  war  to  other  shoulders,  he 
once  more  attempted  negotiation.  For  ambassador 
he  chose  the  Cid,  and  summoning  him  to  his  presence 
reminded  him  of  the  favours  he  had  received  from 
the  late  King  and  from  himself.  Then  he  bade  him 
go  to  the  city  and  prevail  on  Urraca  to  surrender  it 
in  exchange  for  a  sum  of  money  or  for  other  lands, 
including  Medina  de  Rioseco  and  all  the  Infantazgo 
from  Villalpando  to  Valladolid,  together  with  the 
strong  castle  of  Tiedra.  The  King  declared  himself 
willing,  if  these  conditions  were  accepted,  to  swear 
an  oath  with  twelve  of  his  knights  never  again  to 
undertake  hostilities  against  his  sister.     In  the  case 


1072]  Reign  of  Do7i  Saficho, 


of  a  refusal  he  threatened  her  with  an  immediate 
attack.  The  answer  of  the  Cid  was  unexpected. 
''  Sir,"  he  said,  "  send  thither  another  messenger  with 
this  summons,  for  it  is  not  for  me  to  carry  it,  seeing 
that  I  was  brought  up  with  Dona  Urraca  in  the  house 
of  Arias  Gonzalo  and  it  is  not  fitting  that  I  should  be 
the  bearer  of  such  an  order." 

Upon  this  the  King  pointed  out  that  the  Cid's  in- 
fluence with  either  party  afforded  the  surest  means 
of  avoiding  a  bloody  conflict ;  so  at  length  he  was 
persuaded  to  undertake  the  distasteful  work.      He 
set  out  with  fifteen  of  his  knights  and,  as  he  drew 
near  to  the  walls  of  Zamora,  he  cried  aloud  to  the 
archers  who    manned   them,   bidding  them   not  to 
shoot  on  one  who  came  in  peace  and  as  bearer  of  a 
message  from  the  King.     The  archers  went  to  tell 
their  mistress  of  his  arrival  and  ask  if  she  would  re- 
ceive him.     Meanwhile  a  nephew  of  the  old  knight. 
Arias    Gonzalo,  Urraca's  foster-father    and    faithful 
vassal,  bade  the  messengers  enter  straightway,  prom- 
ising them  protection  and  entertainment  until  such 
time  as  the  answer  should  be  received.     So  the  Cid 
passed  the  gates  and  was  received  by  Urraca  at  the 
entrance  of  the  palace.      Together  they  w^ent  into 
the  hall,  and  when  they  were  seated,  the  princess 
asked  the  meaning  of  the  army  that  lay  before  her 
walls.     Affecting  to  ignore  its  purpose,  she  besought 
the  Cid  to  tell  her  whether  her  brother  were  march- 
ing against  Moors  or  Christians.     Before  replying  to 
this  question,  the  Cid  reminded  his  hearers  of  the 
sacredness  of  the  herald's  office  which  now  protected 
his  person.     He  was  assured  that  his  right  would  be 


82  The  Cid. 


[1065- 


respected  ;  Urraca  declared  that  in  all  things  she 
would  be  guided  by  the  advice  of  Arias  Gonzalo, 
and  bade  the  Cid  speak  out  boldly.  "  For  perhaps," 
she  said  in  bitter  irony,  ''Sancho  only  needs  some 
aid  of  ours  to  go  against  the  Moors.  In  that  case 
I  will  lend  him  fifteen  lances  fully  equipped,  even 
though  it  be  for  ten  years."  But  when  the  Cid  gave 
his  message,  Dona  Urraca  wept  aloud,  wishing  that 
the  earth  would  open  and  swallow  her  up.  She  called 
upon  those  present  to  witness  her  brother's  conduct, 
and  the  way  in  which  he  had  incurred  his  father's 
curse.  Some  say  she  even  went  so  far  as  to  threaten 
him  with  a  violent  death  either  in  battle  or  by  treach- 
ery. On  one  at  least  among  the  bystanders  her  hasty 
words  were  not  lost. 

Then  came  the  old  knight.  Arias  Gonzalo,  with 
more  prudent  counsel  bidding  her  call  an  assembly 
of  the  townsmen  in  the  Church  of  San  Salvador  and 
lay  the  case  before  them.  Should  they  refuse  to  help 
her  to  maintain  her  right,  he  advised  her  to  flee  to 
Toledo  and  take  refuge  with  the  generous  King  who 
protected  her  brother  Alfonso.  The  assembly  met 
in  haste  and  the  princess  set  forth  her  position,  say- 
ing, *'  On  this  matter  I  would  know  what  ye  advise 
me,  and  whether  ye  will  hold  with  me  like  loyal  vas- 
sals and  true.  For  the  King,  my  brother,  says  he  will 
take  the  city  from  me  against  my  will.  But,  if  ye 
be  faithful  to  my  cause,  I  think  I  can  guard  it  with 
God's  aid  and  yours."  The  assembly  made  answer 
by  the  mouth  of  its  spokesman,  Don  Nufio,  an  old 
knight  of  good  fame  and  a  fair  speaker,  thanking 
the  Infanta  for  consultino-  those  to  whom  her  orders 


^Q72]  Reign  of  Don  Sancho. 


were  law.  They  counselled  her  to  reject  the  King's 
offer  of  exchange,  pointing  out  that  he  who  ventured 
to  besiege  her  on  a  hill  would  easily  overcome  her 
on  the  plain.  Finally  they  swore  to  bear  up  as  best 
they  might  against  the  famine  they  saw  impending, 
and  not  to  forsake  her  until  death.  Then  Urraca 
turned  to  the  Cid,  reproaching  her  old  playmate  for 
the  part  he  had  taken  in  her  misfortunes,  and  allud- 
ing to  her  love  for  him.  She  bade  him  begone  and 
tell  her  brother  that  sooner  would  she  die  with  the 
men  of  Zamora  than  sell  the  city  or  exchange  it. 
Like  many  other  mediators  the  Cid  had  only  suc- 
ceeded in  drawing  upon  himself  the  ill-will  of  either 

party. 

The  King  was  aware  of  the  affection  which  had 
once  bound  the  Cid  to  Urraca,  and  on  his  return  to 
the  camp  he  was  accused  of  instigating  her  resist- 
ance. So  great  was  Sancho's  fury  that  he  declared 
that,  but  for  his  father's  command— a  consideration 
on  other  occasions  of  no  great  weight  with  him — he 
would  have  hanged  him  forthwith  as  a  traitor.  Even 
so  he  hastily  pronounced  sentence  of  banishment 
ao-ainst  him,  giving  him  but  nine  days  in  which  to 
qtit  the  kingdom  (see  Appendix  II).  The  Cid  did  not 
avail  himself  of  the  delay,  but  immediately  on  quit- 
ting the  King's  presence  assembled  his  knights  and 
rode  off  southward.  That  night  he  lodged  at  a  ham- 
let hard  by  Toro,  and  decided  to  join  Alfonso  in 
the  land  of  the  Moors  and  to  take  service  with 
Al-mamun. 

Meanwhile  the  camp  at  Zamora  had  been  thrown 
into  confusion  by  the  loss  of  its  ablest  warrior.     The 


84  The  Cid.  [1065- 


chief  men  waited  upon  the  King  and  besought  him 
to  remember  the  Cid's  past  services  to  which  he 
owed  his  Hfe  and  his  kingdom.  They  pointed  out 
the  danger  of  allowing  the  Moors  to  secure  so  active 
and  skilful  an  ally.  The  King's  anger  fell  as  rapidly 
as  it  had  risen.  Probably  the  thought  of  the  gather- 
ing forces  of  discontent  at  Toledo  had  more  weight 
with  him  than  any  considerations  of  gratitude. 
Messengers  were  sent  off  in  pursuit  of  the  Cid  to  beg 
him — for  by  the  decree  of  banishment  the  King's  au- 
thority over  his  former  vassal  was  lost — to  return  at 
once  to  the  camp.  This  request  was  accompanied  by 
an  apology  for  words  spoken  in  ungovernable  rage, 
and  a  promise  that,  on  his  return,  he  should  be  made 
governor  of  the  King's  household.  Seeing  the 
esteem  in  which  he  was  held,  the  Cid  could  afford 
to  be  haughty.  He  replied  coldly  to  the  messengers 
that  he  would  take  counsel  with  his  company  on  the 
matter.  Finally,  however,  he  accepted  the  King's 
offer  on  condition  that  the  promises  should  be  re- 
newed in  the  presence  of  all  the  knights  of  the 
army. 

When  this  was  done  and  the  reconciliation  between 
the  two  principal  men  in  the  camp  was  complete, 
the  siege  was  proceeded  with.  Orders  were  given 
for  storming,  and  scaling-ladders  were  brought  up 
to  the  walls.  For  three  days  and  nights  a  furious 
assault  was  kept  up.  In  spite  of  their  depth,  the 
ditches  that  surrounded  the  city  were  all  filled  up; 
the  breastwork  that  crowned  the  walls  was  torn 
down,  and  besiegers  and  besieged  fought  hand  to 
hand,  so  that  the  Duero  ran  red  with  blood.     The 


10721  Reign  of  Don  Sancho.  85 

loss  of  many  good  soldiers  and  the  representations 
of  his  captains,  headed  by  Garcia  de  Cabra,  induced 
the  King  to  moderate  his  impatience  and  to  change 
the  siege  into  a  blockade.  Cut  off  from  all  supplies 
from  without,  it  was  evident  that  the  city  must 
speedily  fall.  The  King  had  at  his  disposal  suffi- 
cient troops  for  this  purpose,  and  although  the  diffi- 
culty and  expense  of  maintaining  an  army  in  the 
field  was  great,  he  sat  down  to  starve  Zamora  into 
subjection.  Notwithstanding  the  strict  investment, 
skirmishes  still  took  place  around  the  walls.  Once 
as  the  Cid  was  riding  abroad  accompanied  by  a  sin- 
gle page,  he  fell  in  with  fifteen  horsemen — seven  of 
the  number  wearing  armour — who  had  broken  out 
from  the  city.  Great  as  was  the  odds  against  him, 
the  Cid  coolly  awaited  their  attack,  and  succeeded 
in  killing  one  and  disabling  two  others.  Whereupon 
the  rest  took'to  flight. 

Within  Zamora  famine  began  to  press  hard  upon 
the  gallant  defenders,  taming  the  bold  spirits  which 
the  attack  of  the  King's  men  but  served  to  rouse. 
Seeing  this,  Arias  Gonzalo,  the  brave  old  com- 
mander, pointed  out  to  his  mistress  the  uselessness 
of  provoking  her  brother  still  further  by  an  obsti- 
nate resistance.  "  My  lady,"  he  said,  *'you  see  the 
great  misery  that  the  men  of  Zamora  have  endured 
and  are  enduring  day  by  day  in  the  maintenance 
of  their  loyalty.  Call  therefore,  my  lady,  an  as- 
sembly and  thank  them  duly  for  all  they  have  done 
in  your  cause  and  bid  them  surrender  the  city  nine 
days  hence.  And  let  us  get  us  gone  to  your  brother, 
Don  Alfonso,  at  Toledo  ;    for  with  my  consent  you 


86  The  Cid.  [1065- 

shall  never  live  at  Zamora  when  it  belongs  to  your 
brother,  and  I  cannot  let  you  die  here."  No  choice 
was  left  to  the  Infanta.  Sorrowfully  she  summoned 
the  loyal  townsfolk,  and  thanked  them  for  the  spirit 
they  had  shewn  in  defending  her  right.  When  she 
told  them  that  the  city  must  be  given  up  they 
grieved  greatly,  thinking  of  all  the  valour  that  had 
been  wasted,  and  all  the  brave  men  who  had  died 
to  no  purpose.  No  voice  was  raised  however  to 
protest,  for  the  famine  was  sore  upon  them.  Those 
who  were  able  to  quit  the  city  resolved  to  follow 
their  lady  and  gallant  commander  into  exile  among 
the  Saracens. 

Before  this  resolution  was  made  known  to  King 
Sancho,  there  came  forward  into  the  Infanta's  pres- 
ence a  knight  named  Bellido  Dolfos,  whom  the 
Latin  chroniclers  call  Belidius  Ataulphi.  He  came 
of  a  bad  stock  renowned  for  its  treachery,  but  he 
had  been  gladly  welcomed  when  he  appeared  with 
thirty  knights  to  aid  in  the  defence  of  the  city.  Ur- 
raca  had  even  gone  so  far  as  to  make  him  certain 
indefinite  promises,  and  he  had  perhaps  conceived  a 
hope  that,  should  she  be  successful,  his  share  in  her 
victory  would  be  rewarded  by  her  hand.  Sancho 
was  childless,  Alfonso  in  exile,  Garcia  a  prisoner,  and 
thus  he  might  hope  eventually  to  be  consort  of  the 
Queen.  So  far  he  had  met  with  no  great  encourage- 
ment, but  then,  as  yet,  he  had  had  no  opportunity 
of  distinguishing  himself,  and  now,  he  thought,  the 
moment  had  come.  Wherefore  he  boldly  offered  to 
draw  off  Sancho  from  the  walls  of  the  city,  claiming 
as  his  reward,   should   he  succeed,  any  favour   he 


1072] 


Retgn  of  Don  Sancho.  8  7 


might  choose  to  name.  Dona  Urraca  may  well 
have  suspected  the  treacherous  purpose  that  lurked 
beneath  his  fair  words,  but  distraught  with  the  mis- 
ery of  her  position,  she  answered  :  "  Bellido  Dolfos, 
I  may  reply  to  you  with  the  words  of  the  sage— 
'  With  a  fool  or  with  one  who  has  no  choice  it  is 
easy  to  bargain.'  Even  so  is  it  betwixt  us  two.  But 
I  charge  you  that  you  do  no  wicked  thing,  and  I  tell 
you  that  there  is  no  man  in  the  world  but  I  would 
give  him  whatever  he  might  ask,  if  he  would  take 
my  brother  from  over  against  Zamora  and  cause  him 
to  raise  the  siege." 

The  traitor  had  now  got  what  he  wanted;  only 
the  details  of  his  scheme  remained  to  be  arranged. 
He  went  straightway  to  one  of  the  gates  of  the  city 
and  bribed  the  watchman  with  the  gift  of  his  rich 
mantle,  making  him  promise  to  throw  wide  the  gate 
if  he  should  see  him  hard  pressed  by  his   enemies 
within  the  city.     He  then   returned  and  openly  ac- 
cused Arias  Gonzalo   of   having   brought  upon   the 
people  their  present  misery  for  the  sake  of  an  intrigue 
of  long  standing  between  himself  and  the  Infanta. 
The  astonishment  and  indignation  of  the  good  old 
knight,  on  hearing  his  lady  and  himself  insulted  in 
this  outrageous  manner,  knew  no  bounds.     ''  On  an 
evil  day,"  he  exclaimed,  *'  was  I  born,  when  in   my 
old    age   I   hear    such    words    spoken    and    no    man 
avenges  me."     Stung  by  this  taunt,  his  fiery  sons, 
who  waited   only  their  father's   bidding  to   avenge 
the  stain  so  wantonly  cast  upon  their  name,  rushed 
forth  in  pursuit  of  the  insolent  slanderer.     But  Bel- 
lido Dolfos  had  laid  his  plans  well ;  the  gate  swung 


88  The  Cid, 


[1065- 


open  on  his  approach,  and  the  youths,  who  could 
not  pass  out  without  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  returned  bafifled  to  the  city. 

The  single  horseman  fleeing  from  the  gate  was 
speedily  arrested  by  the  sentinels,  who  stood  thick 
around  Zamora.  Brought  into  the  presence  of  Don 
Sancho,  he  glibly  related  a  carefully  prepared  story, 
declaring  that  he  had  fled  in  order  to  avoid  being 
slain  by  the  sons  of  Arias  Gonzalo  for  having  pro- 
posed the  surrender  of  the  city.  The  treatment 
which  he  represented  himself  to  have  received  jus- 
tified him  in  renouncing  his  allegiance  to  Dofia  Ur- 
raca  and  becoming  a  vassal  of  Don  Sancho.  In  this 
capacity  his  smooth  tongue  and  supple  character 
soon  placed  him  high  in  the  King's  favour. 

Meanwhile  Arias  Gonzalo  had  been  reflecting  on 
what  had  taken  place.  Only  one  explanation  of 
Bellido's  conduct  was  possible.  It  must  conceal 
some  deep-laid  scheme  of  treachery,  and  measures 
ought  forthwith  to  be  taken  to  hinder  its  success, 
lest  Zamora  and  its  defenders  should  be  involved  in 
a  seemingly  well-founded  charge  of  abetting  the 
traitor.  Private  messages  were  sent  to  Don  Sancho 
warning  him  to  beware  of  Bellido  Dolfos,  and  a 
herald  made  proclamation  from  the  wall  in  the  hear- 
ing of  the  hostile  camp,  saying  :  ''  Take  notice  that 
from  this  city  of  Zamora  is  gone  forth  a  traitor 
named  Bellido  Dolfos,  the  son  of  that  Adolfo  who 
slew  Don  Nuiio,  and  this  man  slew  his  own  father  and 
cast  him  into  a  river,  and  all  men  are  aware  of  his 
great  treachery  ;  and  he  purposes  to  add  to  his  guilt 
by  murder,  so  be  on  your  guard  against  him.     This 


1072]  Reign  of  Don  Sancho.  89 

warning  I  give  you  in  order  that,  if  perchance  he  do 
you  an  injury,  or  murder,  or  deceive  you,  all  Spain 
may  know  that  you  were  warned  and  your  eyes 
were  opened." 

That  some  such  warning  would  be  given  had  been 
foreseen  by  the  traitor,  and  he  was  fully  prepared  to 
meet  it.  He  represented  to  the  King  that  Arias 
Gonzalo's  purpose  was  to  bring  him  into  discredit, 
knowing  full  well  that,  unless  he  did  so,  the  city 
would  be  lost  through  his  means.  Then  he  called 
for  his  horse,  and  acting  to  perfection  the  part  of  an 
honourable  man  labouring  under  a  false  suspicion, 
he  made  as  though  he  would  have  forthwith  quitted 
the  King's  service.  By  this  trick  the  King  was  led 
to  declare  his  belief  in  Bellido's  good  faith.  He 
promised  that  if  by  his  means  the  city  were  taken, 
he  should  be  made  governor  with  greater  authority 
than  that  enjoyed  by  Arias  Gonzalo  under  Urraca. 
Upon  this  Bellido  requested  to  be  allowed  to  speak 
with  the  King  in  private,  and  when  they  were  alone, 
he  said,  "  Sir,  if  it  be  your  pleasure,  let  us  ride  forth 
together  unaccompanied,  and  go  round  about  Za- 
mora,  and  we  will  inspect  the  trenches  that  you 
have  made,  and  I  will  show  you  the  wicket  gate 
which  the  citizens  call  the  Gate  of  the  Queen.  By 
it  the  city  may  be  gained,  for  never  is  that  wicket 
closed.  So  when  night  comes,  you  shall  give  me  a 
hundred  knights  well  armed  and  on  foot  to  go  with 
me.  And  inasmuch  as  the  men  of  Zamora  are  worn 
out  with  famine  and  misery,  they  can  be  overcome 
and  we  will  open  the  wicket  and  enter  and  keep  it 
open  till  all  the  army  pass  through ;  thus  we  shall 
gain  the  city  of  Zamora." 


QO  The  Cid.  no65- 

So  Bellido  the  traitor  and  King  Sancho  rode  forth 
together,  and  as  they  went,  BeUido  set  forth  his  plan 
and  pointed  out  the  wicket.  Their  way  led  them 
by  a  solitary  spot,  and  here  the  King  had  occasion 
to  dismount  near  the  place  where  stands  the  hermit- 
age of  Santiago.  He  was  unarmed  save  for  a  small 
gilded  hunting-spear  which,  after  the  custom  of  his 
family,  he  carried  in  his  hand.  This  he  gave  to 
Bellido  to  hold,  little  thinking  that  he  was  thus  aid- 
ing the  plot  that  had  been  so  carefully  laid  against 
his  life.  As  soon  as  his  back  was  turned  his  com- 
panion drove  the  spear  through  his  body,  so  that 
the  point  came  out  at  his  breast.  Turning  his 
horse's  head  towards  Zamora  he  spurred  away,  leav- 
ing the  King  to  die  beneath  the  wall  of  the  city  for 
the  possession  of  which  he  had  sacrificed  his  honour. 
The  curse  of  King  Fernando  had  its  fulfilment. 

The  traitor  in  his  headlong  course  fell  in  with  the 
Cid  afoot ;  when  called  upon  to  stop  and  explain 
whither  he  rode  thus  swiftly  and  where  he  had  left 
the  King,  he  only  spurred  the  harder.  The  Cid's 
suspicions  were  immediately  aroused  ;  one  moment 
and  he  mounted  his  horse  which  stood  ready  sad- 
dled, and  started  in  pursuit.  But  as  ill  luck  would 
have  it,  he  wore  no  spurs.  Accounts  differ  as  to 
what  took  place.  Some  say  that  he  came  so  near 
to  the  flying  Bellido  that  he  slew  his  horse  as  it 
reached  the  postern  ;  others  that  the  traitor  passed 
the  gate  before  the  Cid  came  up  with  him,  and  that 
the  Cid  was  obliged  to  content  himself  with  pro- 
nouncing his  curse  on  all  knights  who  in  time  to 
come  should  go  about  without  spurs.     Most  curious 


1072]  Reign  of  Don  Sancho.  91 

is  the  remark  of  the  General  Chronicle.  "  This,"  it 
says,  ''  was  the  only  time  at  which  the  Cid  has  been 
found  wanting  in  matter  of  chivalry  and  valour. 
His  duty  was  to  have  entered  the  city  in  pursuit  of 
his  enemy  regardless  of  consequences."  No  better 
proof  can  be  given  of  the  esteem  in  which  the  Cid 
was  held,  than  the  exaggeratedly  high  standard  by 
which  he  is  judged.  "  Even  so,"  says  an  account 
that  has  come  down  to  us,  "  he  would  certainly  not 
have  hesitated  to  enter  Zamora,  had  he  known  what 
had  happened.  But  he  supposed  that  Bellido's 
headlonor  flight  mis^ht  conceal  some  trick  devised 
in  conjunction  with  the  King  for  the  capture  of 
Zamora." 

Hurrying  through  the  streets  and  past  the  ranks 
of  the  famine-stricken  defenders,  Bellido  made  his 
way  to  the  palace  and  took  refuge  under  the  mantle 
of  the  Infanta  from  the  outburst  of  popular  fury 
which  he  knew  was  sure  to  follow  on  the  tidings  of 
the  King's  murder.  Arias  Gonzalo  was  among  the 
first  to  hear  the  news ;  full  of  evil  forebodings,  he 
hurried  to  his  mistress  to  beseech  her  to  give  up  the 
traitor  at  once,  lest  she  and  the  whole  city  should  be 
involved  in  his  guilt.  Urraca,  however,  recognised 
that  her  own  rash  words  had  in  some  degree  fur- 
nished a  pretext  for  the  deed,  and  she  lacked  resolu- 
tion to  refuse  to  protect  the  wretched  suppliant. 
She  besought  Arias  Gonzalo  to  advise  her  how  he 
might  be  saved  from  the  fate  he  so  well  deserved. 
"  Give  him  into  my  charge,"  replied  the  old  knight, 
"  and  I  will  guard  him  for  three  times  nine  days  ; 
if  the  Castillians  challenge  us,  we  will  give  him  up, 


92  The  Cid.  [1065- 

and  if  they  do  not  challenge  us  before  then,  we  will 
thrust  him  forth  from  the  city  so  that  he  may  not 
appear  before  us."  This  suggestion  was  adopted, 
and  the  traitor  was  rewarded  for  his  treason  with 
chains  and  universal  hatred. 

The  King  lay  dying  outside  the  wall ;  the  skilful 
leech  who  was  summoned  to  the  spot  did  but  con- 
firm what  every  one  present  must  have  known  al- 
ready, when  he  declared  the  wound  to  be  deadly. 
The  gilded  spear  had  passed  right  through  his  body, 
and  could  not  be  withdrawn  without  still  further 
hastening  the  flow  of  the  life-blood  which  was  fast 
ebbing  away.  Both  ends  of  the  spear  were  sawn  off, 
and  as  the  King  now  lay  in  an  easier  position,  his 
great  vassal,  Garcia  de  Cabra,  warned  him  that  he 
must  prepare  for  death.  Sancho's  fierce  spirit  was 
broken,  and  his  end  was  exemplary.  He  blessed 
Garcia  for  not  concealing  from  him  that  his  end  was 
near;  he  acknowledged,  too,  that  he  was  justly  pun- 
ished for  his  sins.  As  he  lay  in  his  tent  whither  his 
attendants  had  borne  him,  he  still  preserved  con- 
sciousness and  power  of  speech.  Around  him  stood 
his  captains  full  of  gloomy  forebodings,  for  they 
could  hope  for  little  favour  from  Don  Alfonso,  the 
next  heir  to  the  throne,  w^hom  they  had  driven  into 
exile  among  the  Saracens. "^  The  most  difificult  and 
dangerous  position  of  all  was  that  of  the  Cid,  who 

*  The  Monk  of  Silos,  who  was  almost  a  contemporary,  declares  that 
the  people  of  Zamora  were  holding  the  town  for  Don  Alfonso,  and 
that  they  sent  out  a  soldier  of  great  boldness  who  slew  the  King  and 
hastily  fled  to  the  city.  He  tells  of  the  confusion  that  followed  on 
the  King's  death,  saying  that  the  Castillians  alone  stood  firm  and 
buried  their  King  at  Ona. 


1072]  Reig7i  of  Don  Sane  ho.  93 

now  knelt  by  the  side  of  him  whom  he  had  so  faith- 
fully served,  and  besought  him  not  to  leave  him 
unprotected.  *'  I  cannot  go  to  the  land  of  the 
Saracens,"  he  said,  "to  Don  Alfonso,  your  brother; 
nor  yet  remain  among  the  Christians  with  Dona 
Urraca,  your  sister,  for  they  hold  it  for  certain  that 
all  the  evil  you  did  them  you  did  by  my  advice.  A 
boon,  therefore,  I  beg:  that  you  remember  me  be- 
fore you  die."  In  the  midst  of  his  sufferings  Don 
Sancho  did  not  fail  to  heed  his  vassal.  He  bade  the 
Counts  and  Barons,  who  stood  by,  beg  Don  Alfonso, 
if  he  should  return  from  exile  and  win  the  crown,  to 
receive  the  Cid  into  his  service  and  shew  him  favour. 
In  so  doing,  he  said,  he  would  not  be  ill-advised. 
He  then  bade  them  raise  him  on  the  couch,  and  pub- 
licly, in  the  presence  of  the  churchmen  who  had 
come  to  the  camp  to  try  to  heal  the  feud  between 
brother  and  sister,  he  besought  the  forgiveness  of  all 
whom  he  had  wronged,  and  chiefly  of  his  brother, 
Don  Alfonso.  When  this  was  done,  a  lighted  taper 
was  placed  in  his  hands,  send  straightway  his  soul 
departed. 

The  tragic  death  of  the  King  threw  the  camp  into 
confusion.  The  Leonese,  Galician,  and  Navarrese 
troops  marched  off  home  at  once,  for  now  that  Don 
Sancho  no  longer  lived,  they  had  no  lawful  master. 
Only  the  Castillians  remained  behind ;  hastily  con- 
cluding a  truce  of  nine  days  with  the  defenders  of 
Zamora,  they  buried  Don  Sancho  with  all  ceremony 
at  Ona. 

On  returning  to  their  camp  the  chief  men  took 
counsel  as  to  what  was  to  be  done,  and  at  length 


94  ^^^^  Cid.  [1065- 

they  decided  that  a  challenge  must  be  sent  to  Zamora, 
accusing  the  citizens  of  participation  in  the  murder 
of  the  King.  It  only  remained  to  decide  who  should 
be  the  challenger.  For  a  time  the  offer  of  horses 
and  arms  at  the  public  expense  brought  forth  no 
candidate.  As  for  the  Cid  his  hands  were  tied  by 
his  friendship  for  Dofia  Urraca.  When,  at  last,  a 
famous  knight,  Diego  Ordonez  de  Lara,  arose  and 
proposed  himself  as  challenger,  his  offer  was  received 
with  acclamation.  So  Diego  Ordonez  armed  him- 
self and  rode  towards  the  walls  of  Zamora  with  his 
body  well  covered  by  the  shield  that  hung  about  his 
neck.  His  coming  was  marked  by  an  esquire  well 
skilled  in  the  use  of  the  cross-bow,  who  went  to 
announce  it  to  Arias  Gonzalo,  offering  at  the  same 
time  to  slay  either  man  or  horse  with  a  bolt.  Re- 
fusing with  scorn  the  unknightly  proposal,  Arias 
Gonzalo  made  his  way  to  the  wall  accompanied  by 
his  sons  to  hear  what  the  bold  adventurer  would  say. 
Diego  Ordonez  now  pronounced  the  repto,  a  form 
of  challenge  differing  from  the  ordinary  one  [desafio) 
in  that  the  person  thus  challenged  was,  if  defeated, 
held  infamous  for  the  rest  of  his  life.  (See  Appen- 
dix I.).  It  was,  in  fact,  an  accusation  of  unknightly 
conduct,  and  at  the  same  time  an  offer  to  refer  the 
decision  of  its  justice  to  the  judgment  of  God.  Car- 
ried away  by  his  indignation  against  the  city  which 
he  held  guilty  of  his  master's  murder,  Ordonez,  as 
the  gleemen  sang,  challenged  not  only  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Zamora,  but  the  stones  of  its  wall,  the  meat 
and  drink,  even  the  dead  and  those  yet  unborn. 
Then  he  rode  back  to  the  camp  and  reported  what 
he  had  done. 


1072]  Reign  of  Don  Sancho,  95 

A  difficult  point  in  the  code  of  chivalry  had  now 
to  be  decided.  When  one  man  challenged  another 
by  repto  the  course  to  be  pursued  was  clearly  known. 
Challenges  against  corporations  were  rarer,  and  Or- 
donez had  unwittingly  uttered  such  a  challenge. 
The  matter  was  referred  to  twelve  knights  of  good 
fame,  chosen  half  by  the  challengers  and  half  by  the 
other  party.  After  grave  deliberation  they  gave 
their  verdict  as  follows,  "  That  he  who  challenged  the 
corporation  of  an  archbishopric  or  bishopric  must 
fight  with  five  men  in  the  lists  one  after  the  other  ; 
and  that  he  might  change  his  arms  and  horse  at 
each  encounter,  and  be  given  three  sops  to  eat  and 
wine  or  water  to  drink  according  as  he  might 
choose."  A  period  of  nine  days  was  fixed  within 
which  the  challenged  must  appear  by  their  repre- 
sentatives to  clear  themselves.  Lists  were  marked 
out  in  a  sandy  spot  still  called  el  Campo  de  la  Ver- 
dad ;  in  the  midst  a  pole  was  set  up,  and  it  was 
ordained  that  the  victor  should  lay  hold  of  it  to 
claim  his  victory. 

Before  submitting  his  cause  to  the  ordeal,  Arias 
Gonzalo  took  every  precaution  against  adventuring 
the  lives  of  those  he  loved  in  an  unjust  contention. 
He  stood  up  in  the  assembly  and  solemnly  adjured 
any  who  might  have  had  share  in  or  knowledge  of 
the  King's  murder  to  declare  it.  He  swore  that  he 
would  sooner  depart  with  his  sons  to  Paynim  lands, 
than  be  pronounced  a  traitor  by  the  judgment  of 
God.  The  Zamorans  having  one  and  all  declared 
their  innocence,  Arias  Gonzalo  proceeded  to  choose 
the  five  champions  of  the  city.  He  named  four  of 
his  own  sons,  and  elected  himself  to  be  the  first  to 


96  The  Cid.  [IO65- 

fight,  saying,  "If  what  the  CastilHan  maintains  be 
true,  I  shall  die  and  shall  not  behold  your  grief  ;  and 
if  he  lied,  I  shall  overcome  him  and  ye  will  be  for- 
ever honoured." 

Only  on  the  morning  of  the  appointed  day,  as  he 
started  for  the  lists  accompanied  by  his  sons,  did 
Urraca  learn  what  was  going  forward.  She  met 
Arias  Gonzalo  at  the  gate,  reminded  him  of  his 
promise  to  her  father  never  to  abandon  her,  and 
besought  him  not  to  risk  his  life  in  so  perilous  an 
adventure.  The  old  knight  could  not  refuse  to  do 
her  bidding,  so  at  the  last  moment  a  substitute  had 
to  be  found  to  fight  in  his  stead.  Many  a  good 
knight  came  forward  offering  to  take  his  stand  by 
the  side  of  the  four  brave  brothers,  but  again  Arias 
Gonzalo's  choice  fell  on  a  member  of  his  own  family. 
This  time  it  was  his  youngest  son,  Pedro,  a  mere 
stripling,  but  strong,  brave,  and  skilful  in  arms.  A 
few  words  of  admonition  and  encouragement  from 
his  father,  and  he  proudly  rode  off  to  join  his  elders. 

They  found  Diego  Ordonez  already  awaiting  them. 
A  few  moments  were  spent  by  the  umpire  in  ex- 
plaining to  the  combatants  the  conditions  of^  the 
fight,  and  marking  out  the  ground  so  that  neither 
should  have  the  advantage  of  the  sun.  Pedro,  hav- 
ing taken  his  father's  place,  was  the  first  to  oppose 
the  challenger.  Five  times  they  tilted  furiously  with 
their  lances,  and  at  the  sixth  shock  the  lances  broke. 
Still  mounted,  they  fought  with  their  swords  till 
the  sun  stood  high,  when  Diego  Ordonez,  who  had 
hitherto  been  husbanding  his  strength  and  fighting 
cautiously  in  view  of  the  task  that  lay  before  him, 


1072]  Reig7t  of  Do7i  Sancho.  97 

suddenly  began  to  press  harder.  Thoughts  of  the 
murdered  King  gave  additional  strength  to  a  crush- 
ing blow  directed  at  the  helmet  of  his  youthful 
adversary.  The  blade  went  sheer  through  the  hel- 
met and  bit  deep  into  the  head,  but  the  young 
knight  neither  lost  his  stirrups  nor  dropped  his  sword. 
Wiping  away  with  his  sleeve  the  blood  that  blinded 
him,  he  made  a  last  mighty  effort  to  avenge  the 
death-stroke  which  he  felt  he  had  received.  The  blow 
miscarried,  but  it  severed  both  his  adversary's  reins, 
and  cut  deep  into  the  nose  of  his  horse.  The  wounded 
animal  galloped  wildly  away  ;  a  moment  more  and 
its  rider  would  have  crossed  the  boundary  of  the 
lists.  But  Diego  Ordonez  knew  well  that  to  quit 
the  lists  even  unwillingly  was,  on  this  occasion,  to  be 
adjudged  defeated,  and  his  presence  of  mind  saved 
him.  While  his  adversary  fell  dead  beyond  the 
boundary  he  slipped  lightly  to  the  ground,  and, 
grasping  the  pole,  he  proudly  proclaimed  his  victory, 
''Arias  Gonzalo,  send  hither  another  son,  for  I  have 
conquered  one,  praised  be  God."  The  umpires  de- 
clared his  victory  good,  and  taking  him  by  the  hand 
they  led  him  to  his  tent,  where  they  gave  him  three 
sops  as  prescribed,  and  he  drank  wine  and  rested. 

Meanwhile  Arias  Gonzalo  was  exhorting  his  son 
Diego  to  fight  as  bravely  as  his  brother  had  done ; 
but  the  young  man  needed  no  encouragement.  He 
listened,  however,  respectfully  to  his  father's  advice, 
for  Arias  Gonzalo  had  taken  part  in  many  such  en- 
counters. When  Ordonez  came  forth  from  his  tent 
he  found  his  adversary  armed  and  waiting.  The 
umpire  led  the  two  into  the  lists,  and  they  charged 
furiously  together.     At  the  first  shock  their  shields 


qS  The  Cid.  [1065- 

were  shattered  ;  another  blow  and  their  lances  flew 
in  splinters.  Drawing  their  swords  they  hewed  at 
one  another  until  their  helmets  were  all  battered  and 
the  sleeves  of  their  coats  of  mail  slashed.  A  mighty 
blow  struck  by  Ordonez  decided  the  fortune  of  the 
fight.  The  blade  fell  fair  on  the  shoulder  of  Diego 
Arias,  and  cutting  through  the  weakened  mail,  it 
cast  him  dead  to  the  ground.  Again  Ordonez  grasped 
the  pole  claiming  to  be  victorious,  and  again  he 
tauntingly  called  on  the  agonised  father  to  send  him 
another  son  to  share  a  like  fate  with  the  former  ones. 
But  the  umpires  bade  him  have  patience,  for  he  had 
not  yet  fulfilled  the  conditions  of  the  fight.  His 
adversary  certainly  was  dead,  but  his  body  still  lay 
within  the  enclosure  that  he  had  so  bravely  defended. 
The  conqueror  must  thrust  him  out  of  the  lists  dead 
or  alive.  So  Ordonez  dismounted,  and  seizing  the 
armour-clad  corpse  by  the  heel,  he  dragged  it  to  the 
boundary.  He  might  go  no  further  till  his  victory 
had  been  allowed  by  the  umpires,  so  he  lay  down 
by  the  body  and  thrust  it  out  with  his  feet,  mock- 
ingly declaring  the  while,  that  he  would  rather  fight 
a  living  man  than  drag  a  dead  one  from  the  field.  , 

With  heavy  heart  Arias  Gonzalo  bade  his  eldest 
son,  Rodrigo,  go  forth  and  save  his  liege  lady  and  his 
native  place  from  dishonour.  Rodrigo  was  a  good 
knight  and  skilled  in  arms,  and  he  answered  boldly 
''  I  will  save  them  or  die."  He  did  not  foresee  that 
he  must  both  save  them  and  die.  Ordonez  was 
weary  with  the  two  tough  fights  he  had  fought,  and 
at  the  first  encounter  his  lance  missed  its  aim,  while 
he  himself  received  so  stout  a  blow  that  it  broke  his 
shield  and  the  bow  of  his  heavy  saddle,  causing  him  to 


1072]  Reign  of  Don  Sancho,  99 

lose  his  stirrups  and  cling  to  his  horse's  neck  to  prevent 
falling.  But,  good  knight  as  he  was  and  crafty,  he 
evaded  his  adversary  until  he  had  righted  himself  in 
the  saddle ;  at  the  next  encounter  his  lance  was 
truly  laid.  The  lance  was  shattered  but  not  before 
it  had  pierced  Rodrigo's  shield  and  wounded  him  in 
the  body.  After  a  short  but  furious  bout  with 
swords,  a  well-directed  blow  cut  Ordonez's  left  arm 
to  the  bone,  and  seeing  that  there  was  no  time  to 
lose  before  he  should  become  faint  with  loss  of  blood, 
he  put  all  his  remaining  strength  into  one  great 
effort.  His  sword  went  crashing  through  Rodrigo's 
helmet  and  cape  of  mail  {abiwfar).  The  wound  was 
a  fatal  one  and  the  wounded  man  knew  it ;  letting 
go  his  reins  he  raised  his  sword  with  both  hands,  and 
with  a  wild  stroke  he  laid  open  the  head  of  Ordoftez's 
horse.  Then  he  rolled  from  the  saddle  dead  in  the 
lists. 

His  adversary  was  carried  beyond  the  boundary 
by  the  dying  horse.  He  would  have  returned  to 
carry  on  the  combat  with  the  two  other  champions 
whom  he  must  vanquish  in  order  to  make  good  his 
cause,  but  he  was  prevented  by  the  umpires.  In 
order  to  stop  the  sanguinary  fight,  they  gladly 
seized  upon  the  pretext  of  his  having  quitted  the 
lists  without  permission.  Furious  and  discomfited, 
Ordonez  returned  to  his  tent,  there  to  await  their 
verdict.  It  was  never  given,  for  soon  men's  minds 
were  full  of  other  matters  and  moreover,  as  the  mat- 
ter had  taken  the  form  of  a  feud  between  Castillians 
and  Leonese,  it  was  well  to  stir  up  no  further  ill 
blood  now  that  the  two  crowns  were  to  be  united 
again  on  one  head. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ACCESSION   OF   DON  ALFONSO   AND    BANISHMENT 
OF   THE   CID. 

IO72-IO81. 

IMMEDIATELY  after  Don  Sancho's  death  Ur- 
raca  had  sent  messengers  in  haste  and  secrecy 
to  Toledo  to  inform  Alfonso  of  what  had  taken 
place,  before  the  matter  came  to  the  ears  of  the 
Moors.  She  feared  lest  the  alteration  in  his  position, 
from  exiled  Prince  to  rightful  King,  might  tempt 
his  hosts  to  take  advantage  of  their  power  to  exact 
harsh  conditions  before  letting  him  go.  Important 
news  must  have  been  expected  at  Toledo,  for  legend 
says  that  day  by  day  Pedro  Ansures,  Alfonso's  faith- 
ful companion,  used  to  sally  forth  from  the  city  to 
stop  the  royal  messengers  as  they  rode  by  on  the 
way  from  Castille  and  learn  their  tidings.  So  it 
came  to  pass  that  the  messenger  who  brought  to 
Al-mamun  the  news  of  Sancho's  death  and  the  pro- 
clamation of  Alfonso  by  the  Leonese  over  whom  he 
had  formerly  ruled,  fell  into  the  hands  of  Pedro 
Ansures.  Urraca's  messengers  to  her  brother  had 
been  stopped  by  the  Saracen  scouts  who  scoured  the 
debatable  land,  and  nobody  in  Toledo  knew  as  yet 


[1072-81]         Banishment  of.  T:he,  CirC, 


i)i 


of  the  great  changes  of  the  last  few  days.  Pedro 
Ansures  saw  at  a  glance  how  important  it  was  that 
his  master  should  be  the  f^rst  to  hear  of  them,  so  he 
enticed  the  messenger  away  from  the  high  road  and 
slew  him.  Two  others  followed  closely  after  the 
f^rst  and  met  with  a  like  fate,  but  still  it  was  impos. 
sible  to  keep  the  secret  from  Al-mamun  for  any  length 
of  time.  A  decision  must  be  taken  as  to  whether  it 
would  be  better  for  Don  Alfonso  to  frankly  tell  Al- 
mamun  and  appeal  to  his  generosity,  or  to  attempt 
to  escape  before  being  put  under  arrest. 

Accounts  differ  as   to  how  Alfonso    left  Toledo. 
It  is  evident  that  some  of  the  chroniclers  wish  to 
excuse  his  conduct  towards  Al-mamun's  descendant 
by  representing  him  as  under  no  obligation  to  the 
Saracen  King.     One  account  says  that  Alfonso  boldly 
chose  the   frank  course  of  admitting  Al-mamun  to 
his  confidence,  saying  "  Friends,  when  I  came  to  this 
Moor  he  received  me  with  much  honour  and  gave  me 
abundantly  all  that  I  needed,  even  as  though  I  had 
been  his  son  ;  how  then  can  I  conceal  from  him  the 
favour  that  God  has  done  me  ?  "     Another  says  that, 
without   telling   the    reason    of   his   haste,  Alfonso 
begged  Al-mamun  for  permission  to  depart  and  for 
anTscort,  and  the  King  was  so  pleased  that  he  had 
not  attempted  to  escape  that,  though  he  knew  his 
errand,  he  let  him  go  freely.     On  one  hand  we  are 
told  that  Alfonso  took  as  the  pretext  of  his  departure 
some   hasty  words  spoken  by  Al-mamun    in  anger 
over  a  game  of  chess ;  on  another,  that  he  was  let 
down  from  the  walls  of  Toledo  in  a  basket.     The 
story  that  relates  how  he  was  escorted  to  the  frontier 


loy.  -----  'T/ie  Czd.  [1072- 

is  contradicted  by  that  which  tells  how  he  was  pur- 
sued as  a  fugitive  as  far  as  the  Sierra  del  Dragon. 
With  Alfonso  the  Learned  in  his  Chronicle  we  must 
say,  "  what  we  do  not  know  we  are  unwilling  to 
affirm." 

Alfonso  was  now  free  and  it  took  him  but  a  few 
days  to  reach  Zamora.  He  camped  in  the  plain  of 
Santiago  hard  by  the  spot  where  his  brother  had 
been  slain,  and  took  counsel  with  the  faithful  Urraca, 
who  had  made  no  attempt  to  turn  to  her  own  advan- 
tage the  sudden  change  in  the  aspect  of  affairs.  She 
bade  him  send  at  once  to  claim  homage  from  all  the 
great  men  of  the  kingdom  which  had  once  belonged  to 
his  father.  Throughout  Leon,  Asturias,  and  Galicia, 
says  the  chronicler,  the  summons  was  gladly  obeyed, 
but  the  great  men  of  Castille  and  Navarre  held  back, 
mourning  for  the  wild  and  fierce  Don  Sancho,  and 
suspecting  still  that  his  death  was  due  to  treachery 
contrived  by  his  brother  and  sister. 

This  feeling  found  a  spokesman  in  the  Cid,  the 
vassal  who  had  stood  nearest  to  the  throne  during 
the  preceding  reign.  He  boldly  demanded  as  a 
condition  of  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance  that  the 
King  should  swear  publicly  that  he  was  guiltless  in 
the  matter  of  Don  Sancho's  death.  Whether  this 
oath  was  ever  exacted  we  cannot  be  sure.  Contem- 
porary documents  state  that  Don  Alfonso  returned 
thanks  at  Burgos  for  his  peaceable  accession,  but 
this  does  not  shut  out  the  possibility  of  a  ceremony 
such  as  is  described  by  the  Learned  King  and  by  the 
ballads  of  the  Cid.  According  to  them  the  oath  was 
demanded  by  Castillians   and    Navarrese  acting  in 


1081]  Banishment  of  The  Cid, 


concert,  but  none  was  found  bold  enough  to  admin- 
ister it  save  the  Cid.  When  called  upon  to  do 
homage,  he  said,  ''  Sir,  all  those  whom  you  see  here 
before  you  suspect  that  your  brother,  Don  Sancho, 
was  murdered  at  your  instigation,  therefore  I  declare 
to  you  that,  if  you  do  not  clear  yourself  according  to 
the  proper  form,  I  will  never  kiss  your  hand  nor 
receive  you  for  lord."  The  King  replied  meekly, 
"  I  am  well  pleased  with  what  you  say,  and  here  I 
swear  to  God  and  to  Saint  Mary  that  I  did  not  slay 
him,  nor  counsel  his  death,  nor  rejoice  at  it,  though 
he  had  deprived  me  of  my  kingdom.  Therefore  I 
beg  you  all  as  loyal  vassals  that  you  advise  me  how 
I  may  clear  myself  of  this  matter." 

The  nobles  bade  him  swear  his  innocence  in  public 
together  with  twelve  of  the  knights  who  had  accom- 
panied him  in  his  exile  at  Toledo.  The  King 
agreed,  and  the  church  of  Santa  Gadea,  or  Santa 
Agueda,  at  Burgos  was  chosen  as  the  scene  of  the 
ceremony.  On  the  appointed  day,  the  King  being 
present  with  his  twelve  knights,  the  Cid  took  the 
book  of  the  Gospels  and  setting  it  on  the  altar  spoke 
as  follows :  **  King  Don  Alfonso,  you  are  come 
hither  to  swear  that  you  had  no  part  in  the  death  of 
Don  Sancho,  my  lord,  and  if  you  swear  falsely,  may 
it  please  God  that  a  traitor  slay  you,  and  that  he  be 
your  own  vassal,  even  as  Bellido  Dolfos  was  the 
vassal  of  my  lord,  the  King  Don  Sancho."  The  King 
said  ''  Amen  "  but  he  grew  pale.  Then  the  Cid  spoke 
again,  ''  King  Don  Alfonso,  you  are  come  hither 
to  swear  with  regard  to  the  death  of  King  Don 
Sancho,  my  lord,  that   neither   did  you  advise   nor 


I04  The  Czd,  El  072- 

order  him  to  be  slain,  and,  if  you  swear  falsely,  may 
one  of  your  vassals  slay  you  foully  and  by  treachery 
as  Bellido  slew  King  Don  Sancho,  my  lord."  Again 
the  King  said  *'  Amen  "  and  again  he  grew  pale 
with  fear  of  the  terrible  oath  and  rage  at  the  insist- 
ence of  his  bold  vassal.  After  the  twelve  knights 
had  sworn  a  similar  oath  the  Cid  sought  to  be 
allowed  to  kiss  the  King's  hands  but  was  refused. 

We  may  well  believe — we  shall  find  proof  of  it 
afterwards — that  the  King  ''  hated  him  in  spite  of 
his  valour."  It  was  by  the  Cid's  advice  that  Don 
Sancho  had  transgressed  the  conditions  agreed  upon 
when  the  battle  of  Golpejara  was  fought  for  the 
possession  of  the  two  kingdoms.  It  was  owing  to 
the  Cid  that  Alfonso  had  been  a  fugitive  and  an 
exile,  and  had  now  been  put  to  open  shame  before 
his  subjects.  But  the  fidelity  with  which  the  Cid  had 
served  Don  Sancho,  even  to  sacrificing  his  own  good 
name  in  his  master's  interest,  might  have  guaranteed 
his  future  conduct  towards  him  whom  he  had  now 
acknowledged  as  his  lord.  Alfonso,  however,  always 
mistrusted  and  hated  the  Cid,  and,  later  on,  jealousy 
of  his  great  vassal's  fame  widened  yet  further  the 
breach  that  separated  them.  Had  the  two  worked 
together,  the  terrible  invasion  of  the  Almoravides 
might  have  been  repulsed,  possibly  even  the  Saracens 
might  have  been  conquered  throughout  the  length 
and  breadth  of  Spain.  As  it  was,  both  accomplished 
great  things  but  both  died  disappointed  men. 

Very  different  from  the  above  is  the  short  account 
of  the  beginning  of  Don  Alfonso's  reign  and  of  his 
conduct  towards  the  Cid  given  by  the  Gcsta  Roderici. 


SANTIAGO 

FROM    A    MEDALLION    IN    THE    CHURCH    OF    SANTA    GADEA. 
(  BURGOS.) 


£€*€  «<»C*»» 


10811  Banishment  of  The  Cid.  105 

''  King  Alfonso,"  it  says,  ''  received  Rodrigo  hon- 
ourably as  his  vassal  keeping  him  at  his  side  with 
much  respect  and  affection.  He  gave  him  also  his 
niece  Jimena  to  wife."  That  Alfonso  was  too  wise 
to  quarrel  openly  with  the  Cid  at  first  is  certain,  but 
this  account  is  unsatisfactory  in  that  it  does  not 
sufficiently  explain  the  later  conduct  of  .the  King 
towards  the  Cid. 

The  Cid's  marriage, — for  in  spite  of  efforts  to 
reconcile  conflicting  accounts,  the  one  recorded  in  a 
former  chapter  must  be  considered  as  wholly  myth- 
ical,— took  place  in  the  month  of  July,  1074.  It 
was  in  every  way  an  advantageous  match.  The  lady 
was  the  daughter  of  Diego,  Count  of  Oviedo,  one  of 
the  most  powerful  nobles  of  Leon,  and  of  Jimena, 
daughter  of  Alfonso  V.  of  Castille.  She  was  thus 
cousin  to  the  reigning  King  who  may  have  thought 
by  this  alliance  to  attach  his  haughty  and  independ- 
ent vassal  to  his  cause,  and  by  connecting  two  of  the 
most  powerful  families  of  these  kingdoms  to  allay 
the  jealousy  that  existed  between  Castillians  and 
Leonese.  The  marriage  settlements^  of  the  Cid 
have  come  down  to  us  and  shew  that  he  was  at 
this  time  a  very  rich  man.  Pedro  Ansures,  Alfonso's 
faithful  companion  in  exile,  and  Count  Garcia  de 
Cabra,  who  afterwards  became  the  Cid's  most 
determined  enemy,  signed  the  documents  as  trustees 
for  the  bridegroom.  The  numerous  estates  of  either 
party  are  set  forth    at  length.     In  the  event  of  his 


*  The  printed  copies  of  the  document  shew  many  omissions  and 
mistakes.  The  document  itself  in  not  so  old  as  the  time  of  the  Cid. 
It  is  probably  a  copy. 


io6  The  Cid,  [1072- 

OLitliving  her,  Jimena  leaves  all  her  property  to  her 
husband.  The  Cid  likewise  names  his  wife  universal 
legatee.  On  Jimena's  death,  or  on  her  taking  a 
second  husband,  the  property  reverts  to  the  children 
who  may  be  born  of  the  marriage. 

As  for  the  unfortunate  Don  Garcia,  the  ex-king  of 
Galicia,  the  accession  of  his  second  brother  brought 
him  merely  a  change  of  jailors.  His  release  would 
have  opened  up  old  quarrels  and  revived  almost 
forgotten  hopes.  We  are  told  that  ''  he  was  speed- 
ily cast  into  chains  and,  except  the  privilege  of 
reigning,  all  honour  was  done  him."  Alfonso,  being 
childless,  probably  intended  Garcia  to  be  his  suc- 
cessor, but  this  scheme  was  cut  short  by  the  prison- 
er's death  in  1090.  When  the  King  heard  that  his 
brother  was  about  to  die  at  Luna,  he  gave  orders 
that  his  fetters  should  be  struck  off.  But  on  this 
point  the  victim  of  so  many  ambitions  was  inflexible. 
He  refused  to  accept  the  tardy  and  hollow  show  of 
clemency  and  died  as  he  had  lived  in  chains.* 

For  several  years  after  his  marriage  nothing  is 
heard  of  the  Cid's  doings.  Doubtless  this  was  the 
one  period  of  comparative  tranquillity  in  his  agitated 
and  eventful  life.  He  stayed  at  home  and  watched 
the  brown  plains  round  Burgos  grow  green  with  corn 
in  the  spring,  and  the  mountains  put  on  their  robe 
of  snow  in  winter,  enjoying  his  wealth  and  the  great 
reputation  which  his  exploits  had  brought  him.     All 

*  Another  account  states  that  Garcia  was  allowed  by  Sancho  to  es- 
cape to  Seville,  and  that  it  was  Alfonso  who  after  Sancho's  death  got 
him  into  his  power  by  a  trick  and  shut  him  up  at  Luna.  It  is  to  be 
noticed  that  Luna  is  in  Leon,  a  kingdom  which  Sancho  did  not  con- 
quer until  shortly  before  his  death. 


MOORISH   GATEWAY. 

(burgos.) 


1081]  Banishment  of  The  Cid.  107 

Christian  Spain  in  fact  enjoyed  a  time  of  rest  while 
Alfonso  was  making  ready  for  the  great  effort  that 
was  to  bring  about  the  conquest  of  Toledo. 

Of  this  great  object  he  probably  never  entirely  lost 
sight  after  he  came  for  the  second  time  to  the  throne. 
His  stay  in  the  city  had  taught  him  its  strength  and 
its  weakness,  and  no  nobler  enterprise  could  fill  the 
thought  of  a  Spanish  king  than  the  reconquest  of  the 
ancient  capital  of  the  Gothic  monarchy.  But  at  first, 
as  the  chroniclers  relate,  and  as  we  would  gladly 
believe,  Alfonso's  hands  were  tied  by  the  bond  of 
gratitude  that  attached  him  to  King  Al-mamun  his 
former  host.  Al-mamun  was  moreover  an  energetic 
and  powerful  prince  ruling  over  Valencia  and  Murcia 
as  well  as  Toledo. 

Whatever  may  have  been  his  motive,  it  is  clear 
that  during  the  early  years  of  his  reign  Alfonso  re- 
frained from  attacking  Toledo.  The  chroniclers 
paint  his  conduct  towards  his  former  benefactor  in 
the  most  favourable  and  chivalrous  light.  Two 
years  after  his  accession,  we  are  told,  Al-mamun  was 
attacked  and  hard  pressed  by  his  former  vassal  the 
King  of  Cordova.  Alfonso  heard  of  his  plight  and, 
rapidly  collecting  an  army,  marched  southward  to 
his  aid.  The  King  of  Cordova  fled  at  the  approach 
of  the  Christians.  The  Saracens  of  Toledo,  who  only 
now  learned  to  whom  their  deliverance  was  due,  be- 
came alarmed  at  the  presence  of  a  large  Christian 
army  in  their  country  at  a  time  when  they  were 
weakened  and  disorganised  by  the  former  struggle. 
Messages  were  sent  speedily  from  Toledo  to  beg 
Alfonso  to  remember  the  honourable  treatment  he 


io8  The  Ctd,  [1072- 

had  received  within  its  walls  and  the  oath  he  had 
sworn  to  live  at  peace  with  his  benefactor,  Al-mamun. 
The  rest  of  the  story  is  evidently  the  invention  of  a 
more  chivalrous  age.  It  is  however  worth  telling  as 
Alfonso  the  Learned  told  it  in  his  chronicle. 

Al-mamun's  messengers  were  not  allowed  to  return 
at  once  to  Toledo  ;  every  hour  the  alarm  of  the  citi- 
zens grew  greater,  when  suddenly  they  appeared  at 
gate  of  Bisagra  accompanied  by  King  Don  Alfonso 
and  five  of  his  knights.  As  they  entered  the  city 
Al-mamun  was  informed  of  their  arrival.  Without 
waiting  for  his  mule  to  be  saddled,  he  set  out  at 
once  on  foot  to  meet  the  King  who  had  already 
nearly  reached  the  gate  of  the  Alcazar,  the  castle- 
crowned  height,  citadel  and  palace  in  one.  The  two 
monarchs  embraced  affectionately,  and  returning 
together  to  the  palace  they  spent  the  night  in  feast- 
ing and  in  friendly  talk.  Great  were  the  rejoicings 
among  the  Saracens,  but  among  the  Christians  en- 
camped at  Olias,  a  few  miles  distant  from  the  city, 
the  greatest  alarm  was  felt  at  Alfonso's  rashness  in 
thus  placing  himself  in  the  power  of  the  enemies  of 
his  race.  Next  morning,  however,  he  appeared  safe 
and  sound  at  the  camp,  bringing  with  him  as  his 
guests  the  Saracen  King  and  a  few  of  his  knights. 
After  inspecting  the  Christian  host  the  two  Kings 
retired  to  the  royal  tent  to  dine.  Al-mamun's  con- 
fidence was  about  to  receive  another  shock.  In  the 
midst  of  the  banquet  there  appeared  five  hundred 
armed  Christians  who  took  up  their  position  around 
the  tent.  Alfonso  bade  his  guest  dine  at  ease,  prom- 
ising that   he  would  explain  anon  the  meaning   of 


1081]  Banishment  of  The  Cid.  109 

this  display  of  force.  The  explanation  when  it  came 
was  not  at  first  calculated  to  relieve  the  Saracen's 
natural  anxiety.  At  the  end  of  the  banquet  Alfonso 
thus  addressed  his  guest:  "You  made  me  swear 
and  promise  when  you  had  me  in  your  power  at 
Toledo  that  never  should  harm  come  to  you  through 
me.  Now  that  you  are  in  my  power,  it  is  my  will 
that  you  release  me  from  the  oath  and  agreement 
which  I  then  made  with  you."  To  this  the  King  of 
Toledo  agreed  as  needs  he  must.  Beseeching  that 
no  harm  should  be  done  to  his  person,  he  three 
times  repeated  the  formula  releasing  Alfonso  from 
his  oath.  As  soon  as  this  was  done,  Alfonso's  own 
copy  of  the  Gospels  was  brought  forth;  laying  his 
hand  upon  it  to  give  greater  solemnity  to  the  words 
he  was  about  to  speak,  he  thus  addressed  the  be- 
wildered Saracen  :  "  Since  now  you  are  in  my  power, 
I  promise  never  to  come  up  against  you,  nor  against 
your  son,  and  to  aid  you  against  all  men  ;  and  I  re- 
peat this  oath  to  you  because  I  had  an  excuse  for 
breaking  it  and  failing  to  fulfil  its  conditions,  in  that 
I  swore  it  when  I  was  in  your  power.  Now  I  have 
no  excuse  for  breaking  it  or  failing  to  fulfil  its  con- 
ditions, since  I  swear  it  whilst  I  have  you  in  my 
power  and  can  do  with  you  as  I  will."  After  this 
Alfonso  and  Al-mamun  marched  southward  together 
plundering  and  laying  waste  the  land  until  they  had 
so  weakened  the  power  of  the  King  of  Cordova  that 
he  never  again  sought  to  harm  Al-mamun. 

Among  the  authenticated  exploits  of  the  Cid  are 
the  single  combats  which,  at  the  King's  request,  he  un- 
dertook from  time  to  time  for  the  possession  of  dis- 


I  lo  The  Cid,  [1072- 

puted  fortresses  or  for  other  reasons.  Two  of  these 
probably  took  place  during  the  first  years  of  Alfonso's 
reign.  At  this  period  of  his  life  not  only  was  his 
reputation  as  a  skilful  captain  very  high,  but  his  fame 
for  personal  prowess  was  so  great  that  we  wonder 
that  any  knight  could  be  bold  enough  to  do  battle 
with  him.  The  references  to  these  duels  in  trust- 
worthy documents  are  unfortunately  very  brief. 
The  Gesta  Roderici  merely  says:  ''  He  fought  with 
Ximeno  Garces  one  of  the  best  knights  of  Pamplona 
and  overcame  him.  He  fought  also  with  like  success 
against  a  certain  Saracen  at  Medina  Celi,  and  him 
he  not  only  overcame  but  slew  also."  The  chron- 
icles add  that  in  the  first  of  these  two  duels  he  ap- 
peared as  the  champion  of  the  King  of  Castille  for 
the  possession  of  Pazluengas  and  other  castles.  Of 
the  cause  of  the  duel  against  the  Saracen  we  know 
nothing.  Medina  Celi  stood  hard  by  the  meeting- 
place  of  several  frontiers,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that 
the  fight  was  one  of  those  from  which  Rodrigo  won 
the  honourable  title  of  Campeador. 

It  is  from  the  year  1079  ^^  ^^^  time  of  his  death 
that  most  is  known  of  the  history  of  the  Cid.  Long 
periods  are  still  passed  over  in  silence  by  our  author- 
ities, and  the  accounts  given  by  some  are  either 
unconfirmed  or  contradicted  by  others,  but  we  have 
now  left  the  region  of  romance,  and  even  the  chron- 
icles from  this  date  have  a  solid  basis  of  historical 
fact,  though  their  writers  still  draw  freely  on  imagina- 
tion for  details. 

About  the  year  1079  the  Cid  was  chosen  by  Don 
Alfonso  to  carry  out  a  difficult  and  dangerous  mis- 


^  fuM  nj^aa<K«n.<i»nfiw  <r  wwma!H»n.<jinariuin;cjr 
i  "^  i>  i&wnrawc  fl4r n(^ .>tt  luj^wf  Ai^ci ainyt  doArma^M 

jui?ftardii>4a."f4ng^t^  roci?^«ft«Ue.nan4iW^/f*fwme.-' 

Ii  I-  I  -^p  timfi  in^imasf  |)U0Turaii'  ttmy  m  datm^4Tip  c«i4ir.-'a: 
^"^V^     ;^^f  mm  dt  jwa  Candi'tipr  (*<ro4ij«i/*  liliup  tn^Kttq  fiw 
4  V  v  **^  *"^"' imtpljo  f feme  ^4lmir .f  o^-  i>4binJ Xt^uiWdi 

mOiCi  q^'aW!8mm:«u  |mnci|3^f«^  <jtn^miUn4  ftt4/Ko>ii*  i^^~ 

4Ue6mf<j  ttgt  mpkincmi:'^  m  uul|5e0cia  n^  war  «fiim . 
o  T      TC  nj^f  Jktaa  vtmm  itjal^  fi^rm  ti^iJnwftf^^TMtair. 

FACSIMILE  OF  LATIN  CHRONICLE  CALLED  GESTA   RODERICI. 

FROM    THE    LIBRARY    OF   THE    ROYAL  ACADEMY    OF    HISTORY,    MADRID. 


■cc    _c,cccc 


t08l]  Banishment  of  The  Cid.  1 1 1 

sion.  He  was  sent  to  collect  the  tribute  paid  annually 
by  the  Saracen  Emirs  of  Seville  and  Cordova.  The 
former  of  these  princes,  the  celebrated  Al-mutamed, 
whom  the  Christian  chroniclers  call  Almuctamir  or 
Almucamuz,  was  at  war  with  his  neighbour  Abdu-1- 
lah  (Almudafar  in  the  chronicles),  King  of  Granada. 
The  latter  had  taken  into  his  pay  some  of  the 
most  renowned  Christian  knights  who,  while  their 
own  King  was  at  peace,  were  glad  to  hire  themselves 
for  military  service  to  the  rich  Saracens  of  the  south. 
Among  these  was  Garcia  de  Cabra  who  afterwards 
became  the  Cid's  most  bitter  enemy,  probably  ow- 
ing to  events  which  took  place  at  this  time.  When 
the  Cid  reached  Seville  he  heard  that  the  King  of  Gra- 
nada was  on  the  march  with  his  mercenaries  and  had 
already  entered  the  territory  of  Seville.  The  Cid  acted 
with  great  firmness  and  decision.  He  at  once  sent 
letters  to  the  chief  men  in  the  advancing  army  warn- 
ing them  of  the  consequences  of  trespassing  on  the 
territory  of  a  prince  who  was  under  the  protection 
of  the  King  of  Castille.  The  Christian  mercenaries 
were  reminded  of  their  allegiance  and  were  requested 
firmly  but  respectfully  to  desist  from  their  enterprise. 
A  hint  was  at  the  same  time  given  to  the  effect  that 
any  further  encroachment  would  be  resisted  to  the 
best  of  the  writer's  power. 

A  message  of  this  kind,  sent  by  so  young  a  man  to 
a  soldier  of  the  experience  of  Garcia  de  Cabra,  who 
in  many  a  fight  had  borne  the  banner  of  King 
Don  Fernando,  must  have  caused  no  small  astonish- 
ment among  those  to  whom  it  was  addressed.  The 
Castillians  would  have  considered   it  dishonourable 


1 12  The  Cid.  [1072- 

to  have  allowed  themselves  to  be  influenced  by  its 
boldness.  Accordingly  they  pursued  their  march, 
burning  and  wasting  as  far  as  Cabra,  little  thinking 
that  the  Cid  would  find  means  to  make  them  respect 
the  commands  which  he  had  put  forth  in  his  master's 
name.  Quickly  getting  together  as  large  a  force  as 
he  could  by  adding  to  his  own  escort  the  muzdrabe  in- 
habitants of  Seville,  he  went  out  to  meet  them. 
In  the  battle  that  followed  the  Cid  was  wholly  suc- 
cessful. The  number  of  the  slain  was  very  large, 
and  Garcia  de  Cabra,  Lope  Sanchez,  Diego  Perez, 
and  many  other  celebrated  warriors,  fell  into  his 
hands.  The  enemies'  camp  was  plundered,  and  all  the 
rich  booty  that  they  had  gathered  in  the  territory  of 
Seville  was  recovered.  The  Cid  set  free  his  prison- 
ers after  three  days'  captivity ;  probably  he  did  not 
care  to  incur  their  further  ill-will  by  putting  them  to 
ransom.  He  was  received  in  triumph  at  Seville  by 
Al-mutamed,  who  not  only  paid  in  full  the  tribute 
owing  to  the  King  of  Castille,  but  made  his  deliverer 
a  handsome  present.  His  first  independent  com- 
mand had  thus  brought  him  riches  and  greatly  in- 
creased his  fame,  but  it  brought  him  also  the  ill-will 
of  all  who  had  been  his  prisoners  and  of  their  kin. 
By  working  upon  Alfonso's  jealousy  and  abiding 
resentment  they  soon  found  means  to  bring  about 
the  Cid's  disgrace. 

His  enemies  now  charged  him  with  having  turned 
to  his  own  use  part  of  the  tribute  received  at  Seville 
in  the  King's  name.  It  was  known  that  he  had  come 
back  rich  from  the  South.  Alfonso's  suspicions  were 
aroused,  and  only  an  opportunity  was  wanting  for 


1081]  Banishment  of  The  Cid.  1 1 3 

the  Cid's  enemies  to  close  in  about  him  ;  this  oppor- 
tunity was  soon  found.  In  108 1  Alfonso  marched 
southward  to  chastise  some  rebellious  movement 
among  the  tributary  states.  It  had  been  intended 
that  the  Cid  should  take  part  in  this  campaign,  but 
illness  had  obliged  him  to  remain  at  home.  During 
the  King's  absence,  the  Moors  of  the  kingdom  of 
Toledo  suddenly  crossed  the  frontier  and  overran  the 
neighbourhood  of  San  Esteban  de  Gormaz.  By  this 
time  the  Cid  was  well  again,  and  unwilling  to  let  such 
insolence  go  unpunished,  he  at  once  armed  his  follow- 
ers and  pursued  the  Moors  who  fled  homewards  as 
soon  as'they  heard  of  his  approach.  Marching  by  way 
of  Atienza,  Sigiienza,  Hita  and  Guadalajara,  he  en- 
tered the  territory  of  Toledo  spreading  devastation 
wherever  he  went.  He  brought  back  to  Castille 
a  rich  booty  and  seven  thousand  prisoners. 

The  Cid's  foray,  say  the  chroniclers,  had  been  made 
on  the  land  of  the  King  of  Toledo,  with  whom  Al- 
fonso was  at  peace,  and  under  whose  walls  Alfonso 
himself  would  be  obliged  to  pass  on  his  return  from 
the  south.  This  circumstance  was  cleverly  taken 
advantage  of  by  the  Cid's  enemies.  In  addition  to 
the  serious  charge  of  having  made  war  upon  a 
friendly  state  without  the  King's  consent,  they 
brought  against  him  the  seemingly  well-founded  ac- 
cusation that  his  act  might  have  had  the  effect  of 
rousing  the  whole  south  and  imperilling  the  return 
of  the  King  and  his  troops.  Alfonso,  however,  had 
come  through  the  disturbed  district  unharmed  ;  but 
lending  a  ready  ear  to  the  accusations,  he  summoned 
the  Cid  to  his  presence  and,  after  reproaching  him 


114  The  C id. 


[1072- 


with  his  conduct,  ordered  him  to  quit  his  dominions 
within  nine  days.  The  Cid  demanded  thirty  days' 
delay,  as  was  the  right  of  every  CastiUian  noble- 
man ;  but  even  this  was  refused  him  (see  Appen- 
dix II). 

The  broad  outlines  of  this  story  are  accepted  as 
true  by  the  best  historians,  but  the  details  present 
several  insurmountable  difficulties.  Al-mamun,  King 
of  Toledo,  Alfonso's  benefactor,  died  in  1075,  and 
not  long  afterwards  Alfonso  found  excuse  for  attack- 
ing his  feeble  successor,  Yahya  Al-kadir.  His  object 
was  to  gain  possession  of  Toledo,  and  for  this  purpose 
he  for  seven  years  led  his  army  every  spring  into 
the  rich  plain  and  laid  it  waste.  Toledo  fell  in  1085, 
so  that  at  the  date  of  which  we  are  speaking  (1081) 
Alfonso  was  not  at  peace  with  Toledo.  It  is  proba- 
ble that  the  Cid  made  his  unauthorised  attack  on  the 
Saracens  in  another  direction.  His  banishment  is 
certain,  and  from  this  time  forward  we  find  him 
leading  the  life  of  a  freebooter,  equally  ready  to 
turn  his  arms  against  Moor  or  Christian,  until  he 
won  for  himself  an  independent  principality  at 
Valencia. 

It  is  at  the  time  of  the  Cid's  departure  into  exile - 
that  the  fragment  of  the  old  Chanson  de  Geste, 
known  as  the  Poeina  del  Cid,  takes  up  his  story.     It 


*  Huber  considers  that  this  passage  refers  to  the  second  banish- 
ment of  the  Cid.  No  second  banishment  is  mentioned  by  the 
Poema  ;  its  narrative  proceeds  straight  on  to  the  siege  of  Valencia 
without  alluding  to  the  long  years  at  Saragossa.  The  mention,  how- 
ever, of  the  accusation  of  malversion  {Poema^  1.,  109-112)  is  enough 
to  identify  this  occasion  as  the  first  banishment. 


1081]  Bafiishment  of  The  Cid.  1 1 5 

tells  how  he  quitted  his  house  at  Bivar,  and  how 
he  came  with  favourable  auguries  to  Burgos,  where 
lodging  and  food  was  refused  him  by  the  King's 
command  (see  Appendix  II).  Camping  outside  the 
city  on  the  common  land  he  was  met  and  enter- 
tained by  his  faithful  kinsman,  Martin  Antolinez, 
who  recked  little  of  the  King's  threats.  The  two 
took  counsel  together  as  to  what  was  to  be  done, 
and  between  them  they  devised  the  celebrated  trick 
of  the  chests  of  sand  pawned  to  the  Jews.  This  story 
does  not  reflect  on  its  hero  so  much  credit  as  was 
intended  by  its  inventors,  or  recorders  ;  it  is  quite 
possible  that  it  may  be  founded  on  fact,  though  the 
chest  preserved  at  Burgos  cannot  be  looked  on  as 
a  genuine  relic.  As  illustrating  the  manners  and 
ideas  of  morality  of  the  time  and  the  popular  poetry 
of  a  century  later,  we  will  tell  the  tale  in  the  words 
of  the  Poeina.  The  Cid  in  his  tent  outside  Burgos 
thus  addresses  Martin  Antolinez  : 

"^I  have  spent  the  gold  and  all  the  silver;  thou 
seest  well  that  I  bring  with  me  no  money,  yet  sorely 
do  I  need  it  for  all  my  company.  I  am  forced 
against  my  will,  for  by  fair  means  I  shall  get  nothing. 
If  thou  so  approve  me,  I  will  make  ready  two  chests. 
We  will  cram  them  full  of  sand,  so  that  they  be 
right  heavy,  covered  with  gilded  leather  and  firmly 
nailed  :  the  leather  must  be  crimson  and  the  nails 
well  gilt.  Go  swiftly  as  I  bid  you  to  Rachel  and 
Vidas  (and  speak  thus) :  "  Since  in  Burgos  they  have 
forbidden  me  to  buy  and  the  King  is  wroth  with  me, 
I  cannot  carry  away  my  wealth  for  it  is  very  weighty. 
I  will  pawn  it  to  them  for  such  a  sum  as  shall  be 


ii6  The  Cid.  [1072- 

fair.  They  must  remove  it  by  night  so  that  none 
of  the  Christians  know  it ;  let  God  alone  be  witness 
with  all  his  saints.  No  other  means  I  have  and  I 
do  it  against  my  will."  ' — Martin  Antolinez  quickly 
got  him  gone  ;  for  Rachel  and  Vidas  he  speedily  en- 
quired. He  passed  through  Burgos  and  into  the 
castle  he  came  ;  for  Rachel  and  Vidas  he  hastily 
enquired.  Rachel  and  Vidas  are  together  in  one 
place,  counting  up  their  wealth  and  all  that  they 
had  gained.  Up  came  Martin  Antolinez,  a  right 
good  man  was  he  [agiiisa  de  nicDibradd).  '  Where 
are  ye,  Rachel  and  Vidas,  my  very  good  friends  ? 
I  would  speak  in  private  with  the  two  of  you.'  No 
time  was  lost ;  the  three  withdrew  apart.  '  Rachel 
and  Vidas,  give  me  both  of  you  your  hands  upon  it, 
that  ye  will  not  betray  me  to  Moors  or  to  Chris- 
tians. I  will  make  you  rich  for  ever,  so  that  you 
never  be  brought  to  need.  The  Campeador  went 
to  Moorish  lands  to  fetch  the  tribute.  Great  wealth 
he  got  and  very  goodly,  and  he  kept  for  himself  a 
very  pretty  sum.  This  was  the  cause  for  which  he 
was  accused.  He  has  two  chests  full  of  refined  gold. 
Ye  see  now  how  the  King  is  wroth  with  him.  ^He 
has  left  his  estates,  his  houses,  and  his  palaces. 
This  wealth  he  cannot  carry  off,  lest  it  should  be 
noised  abroad  ;  the  Campeador  will  leave  it  in  your 
hands  and  do  ye  lend  him  in  coin  such  a  sum  as 
shall  be  fair.  Take  ye  the  chests  and  put  them  in 
safe  keeping  :  guard  them  with  an  oath  and  your 
united  promise  that  ye  will  not  look  into  them  for 
a  whole  year.'  Rachel  and  Vidas  sit  there  taking 
counsel  with  each  other.     '  Needs  must  we  make  a 


1081]  Banishment  of  The  Cid.  1 1  7 

profit  out  of  everything.  Well  do  we  know  that  he 
made  rich  earnings  and  that,  when  he  went  to  Moor- 
ish lands,  he  brought  out  a  goodly  sum.  He  who 
bears  coined  money  sleeps  not  undisturbed.  Let 
us  take  these  two  chests  and  let  us  put  them  in  a 
place  where  none  will  know  of  them.  But  tell  us 
of  the  Cid,  how  much  will  satisfy  him,  or  Avhat  in- 
terest will  he  give  us  for  this  whole  year  ?  '  Then 
answered  Martin  Antolinez,  a  right  good  man  was 
he  :  '  My  Cid  will  ask  such  a  sum  as  shall  be  fair  ;  he 
will  ask  but  little  of  you  so  that  he  leave  his  wealth 
secure.  From  all  sides  there  flock  to  him  needy 
men  :  he  must  have  six  hundred  marks.'  Then  said 
Rachel  and  Vidas  :  '  Gladly  will  we  give  them  to 
him.'  '  Ye  see  that  night  is  coming  and  the  Cid 
goes  in  haste  ;  we  must  have  the  marks  at  once.' 
Said  Rachel  and  Vidas :  '  Not  thus  are  bargains 
made ;  giving  comes  first  and  taking  afterwards.' 
Said  Martin  Antolinez  :  '  I  am  content  with  that. 
Let  us  go  all  three  to  the  famous  Campeador,  and 
we  Mall  aid  you,  as  is  but  right,  to  carry  hither  the 
chests  and  place  them  in  your  care,  so  that  it  be  not 
noised  abroad  among  Christians  or  among  Moors.' 
Said  Rachel  and  Vidas  :  '  We  are  content  with  that. 
So  soon  as  the  chests  are  brought,  take  the  six  hun- 
dred marks.'  Martin  Antolinez  swiftly  got  to  horse 
with  Rachel  and  Vidas  gleeful  and  content.  He 
came  not  to  the  bridge,  but  through  the  ford  he 
went,  so  that  no  man  in  Burgos  might  know  what 
was  going  forward.  And  now  they  are  at  the  tent 
of  the  famous  Campeador.  As  soon  as  they  enter 
they  kiss   the    Cid's   hands.     The    Cid    smiled  and 


1 1 8  The  Old.  C1072- 

spake  to  them  :  '  Now,  Don  *  Rachel  and  Vidas,  ye 
have  forgotten  me.  I  am  going  to  quit  the  land, 
for  the  King  is  wroth  with  me.  It  seems  to  me 
that  ye  will  get  some  profit  by  my  wealth ;  so  long 
as  ye  shall  live  ye  will  never  come  to  want.'  Don 
Rachel  and  Vidas  kissed  the  hands  of  my  Cid. 
Martin  Antolinez  has  arranged  the  terms:  that 
upon  those  chests  they  should  lend  him  six  hundred 
marks,  and  that  they  should  keep  them  safe  even  to 
the  year's  end.  To  this  they  had  pledged  their 
faith  and  had  sworn  an  oath  to  him,  that  if  before 
that  time  they  should  look  into  them,  they  should 
be  counted  faithless  and  the  Cid  should  not  give 
them  so  much  as  a  bad  farthing  of  profit.  Said 
Martin  Antolinez:  'Load  up  the  chests  quickly; 
take  them,  Rachel  and  Vidas,  and  put  them  in  safe- 
keeping. I  will  go  with  you  to  help  to  bring  the 
marks ;  for  my  Cid  must  be  on  his  way  before  cock- 
crow.' As  they  loaded  up  the  chests  one  might  see 
their  delight ;  strong  men  as  they  were  they  could 
not  get  them  up.  Joyful  were  Rachel  and  Vidas 
over  the  goods,  for  they  have  got  rich  store  for  all 
the  days  of  their  lives.  Rachel  went  to  kiss  tlie 
hand  of  my  Cid  :  '  Nay,  Campeador,  happy  was  the 
hour  in  which  thou  didst  gird  on  thy  sword  ;  thou 
art  starting  from  Castille  for  Paynim  lands.  Such\ 
is  thy  lot,  great  are  thy  gains.  Cid,  I  kiss  thy 
hands  ;  let  me  have  as  a  gift  a  rich  crimson  Moor- 
ish pelisse  ! '     *  Granted,'  said  the  Cid  ;  '  herewith  I 


*  The  title  Don  used  by  the  Cid  in  addressing  the  Jews  is  intended 
to  flatter  their  vanity.  In  early  times  only  men  of  the  highest  rank 
had  a  right  to  it. 


THE  COFFER  OF  THE  CID   PRESERVED   IN   THE 
CLOISTER  OF  THE  CATHEDRAL  OF  BURGOS. 


1081]  Banishment  of  The  Cid.  1 19 

promise  it.  If  I  bring  it  thee  from  thence  ['t  is 
well],  if  not,  do  thou  take  its  value  from  the  chests.' 
In  the  midst  of  the  palace  they  spread  a  carpet,  and 
over  it  a  fine  white  linen  sheet  ;  straightway  they 
cast  upon  it  three  hundred  marks  of  silver.  Don 
Martin  simply  counted  them  ;  he  took  them  with- 
out weighing.  The  other  three  hundred  they  paid 
in  gold.  Five  squires  had  Don  Martin  and  well  he 
loaded  them  all  :  when  he  had  done  this  ye  shall 
hear  what  he  said  :  '  Now,  Don  Rachel  and  Vidas, 
in  your  hands  are  the  chests  ;  I  deserve  something 
to  boot  {cal^as)  who  made  this  bargain  for  you.' 
Rachel  and  Vidas  withdrew  together  apart:  'Let 
us  give  him  a  good  gift  for  it  was  he  who  brought 
it  to  us  '  :  '  Martin  Antolinez,  famous  Burgalese,  thou 
hast  earned  it  at  our  hands  and  we  will  give  thee  a 
rich  gift  wherewith  to  make  thee  boots,  and  rich  robe, 
and  good  cloak.  We  will  give  thee  freely  thirty 
marks:  thou  must  earn  them,  for  so  it  is  but  just; 
thou  must  see  to  the  fulfilment  of  this  bargain  we 
have  made.'  Don  Martin  thanked  them  and  took 
the  marks.  Then  he  bethought  himself  to  quit 
their  lodging  and  he  took  leave  of  both.  Gone  out 
is  he  from  Burgos  ;  he  has  crossed  the  Arlangon  ; 
he  is  come  to  the  tent  of  him  who  was  born  in 
happy  hour.  The  Cid  welcomed  him  with  both 
arms  thrown  wide.  *  Thou  art  come,  Martin  Anto- 
linez, my  faithful  vassal ;  may  I  live  to  see  the  day 
when  thou  receivest  some  gift  at  my  hands ! '  'I 
am  come,  Campeador,  Vv^ith  all  good  despatch. 
Thou  has  gained  six  hundred  and  I  have  gained 
thirty.     Bid  strike  the  tent  and  let  us  begone  has- 


I20  The  Cid. 


[1072-81 


tily ;  at  San  Pedro  de   Cardena  we  must  hear  cock- 
crow.' " 

Much  useless  discussion  has  taken  place  over  this 
trick.  Some  say  that  the  Cid  in  his  conduct  towards 
the  Jews  was  guilty  of  deliberate  fraud  ;  others  that 
his  good  faith  was  buried  among  the  sand  with  which 
the  chests  were  filled  and  was  sure  sooner  or  later  to 
be  redeemed.  We  doubt  if  the  gleeman,  who  in  all 
probability  invented  the  story  for  the  Cid's  glorifica- 
tion, would  have  understood  these  niceties.  The 
Poema  gives  us  to  understand  that  the  Cid  dis- 
charged his  debt  and  the  chronicles  relate  how,  after 
the  taking  of  Valencia,  the  Jews  who  at  the  end  of 
the  year  had  discovered  the  trick,  came  to  him  weep- 
ing and  complaining,  and  how  he  repaid  them  richly 
for  the  anxiety  they  had  undergone.  The  age,  how- 
ever, was  not  over  scrupulous  on  points  of  morality; 
to  rob  a  Jew  was  scarcely  considered  wrong.  If  the 
Cid's  expedition  to  Moorish  lands  had  been  a  failure, 
we  can  scarcely  suppose  that  the  thought  of  the  rage 
of  the  cheated  Jews  would  have  weighed  heavily  on 
the  conscience  of  one  who  was  versed  in  all  the  strat- 
agems of  Moorish  intrigue.  ^ 


■  '$[1  (;:^lllh^!lji[)lkd 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE     CID     IN    EXILE. 
IO81-IO85. 

OUR  most  trustworthy  documents  merely  tell 
us  that  the  Cid,  on  quitting  Don  Alfonso's 
territory,  went  to  Beircelona  where  he  re- 
mained only  a  few  days.  He  probably  offered  his 
services  and  those  of  his  followers  to  the  reigning 
Count.  But  the  men  of  Catalonia,  a  much  more  civ- 
ilised race  than  their  Christian  neighbours  in  the  Pe- 
ninsula, had  but  small  love  for  the  Castillians,  and 
the  Cid  marched  away  to  Saragossa  and  took  service 
with  the  reigning  Saracen  prince.  The  Counts  of 
Barcelona,  as  we  shall  see  later,  had  cause  to  regret 
this  opportunity  of  turning  into  a  useful  ally  one  who 
afterwards  proved  their  most  formidable  enemy. 

The  chronicles  and  the  Poema  are  rich  in  details  of 
the  Cid's  exploits  on  his  journey.  These,  though 
their  chronology  is  confused"^  and  their  geography 
doubtful,  are  worth  recording,  for  they  are  not  incon- 


*  Mr.  Dozy,  himself  the  most  careful  of  historians,  has  laid  it 
down  as  a  rule  that  "  in  treating  of  the  history  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
that  is  to  say,  a  history  of  which  the  sources  are  very  incomplete,  we 
must  rely  as  little  as  possible  on  arguments  drawn  from  the  silence  of 
chronicles  and  documents." 

121 


122  The  Ctd.  [1081- 

sistent  with  more  trustworthy  accounts,  and  are  not 
in  themselves  improbable.  Alfonso  the  Learned 
who  gives  these  details  had  certainly  at  his  command 
sources  of  information  that  are  lost  to  us. 

The  Cid  on  leaving  Burgos  behaved  as  though  he 
were  in  an  enemy's  country.  He  laid  hands  on  all 
the  property  he  could  find,  and  drove  off  the  large 
flocks  of  geese  that  wandered  over  the  plain.  Out 
of  bravado  he  went  along  at  the  slow  pace  of  the 
birds  till  he  came  to  the  monastery  of  San  Pedro  de 
Cardeiia,  a  few  miles  from  the  city.  When  he  found 
that  none  followed  him  or  attempted  to  deprive  him 
of  his  spoils,  he  took  pity  on  his  fellow-townsmen 
and  sent  their  geese  and  other  property  back.  At 
San  Pedro  de  Cardena  he  took  leave  of  his  wife  and 
his  two  daughters,  giving  them  in  charge  to  the  good 
Abbot  and  leaving  a  sum  of  money  for  their  mainte- 
nance with  promises  of  more  if  more  should  be  re- 
quired. Here  he  was  joined  by  Martin  Antolinez 
who  had  come  after  him  with  a  hundred  and  fifteen 
horsemen  eager  to  link  their  fortunes  with  that  of 
the  bold  exile.  A  night  march  brought  them  to 
Espinas  del  Can  where  their  little  party  was  still  fur- 
ther reinforced.  They  crossed  the  Duero  and  the 
Sierra  de  Nieves  and  came  near  to  the  Saracen  town 
of  Atienza.  After  another  night  march  through  the 
mountains,  dawn  found  them  in  ambush  near  Castre- 
jon  on  the  river  Henares.  Their  numbers  by  this 
time  amounted  to  three  hundred  horsemen  besides 
a  large  body  of  footmen,  but  a  party  had  been  de- 
tached to  harry  as  far  as  Guadalajara  and  Alcala, 
for,  in  order  to  keep  the  little  force  together,  it  was 


1085]  The  Cid  in  Exile.  123 

necessary  at  once  to  secure  some  brilliant  success 
and  some  booty.  Both  ventures  were  successful.  In 
the  morning  the  gates  of  Castrejon  were  opened  and 
the  inhabitants  came  out  to  their  work,  little  suspect- 
ing the  presence  of  the  bold  and  ready  enemy  who 
lay  hidden  hard  by  their  gates.  The  town  was  sur- 
prised and  taken  at  a  single  rush  ;  the  foraying  party 
returned  from  Alcala  laden  with  booty  to  find  the 
Cid  in  possession  of  the  castle.  The  Cid  was  unwill- 
ing to  remain  at  Castrejon  ;  the  citadel  was  certainly 
strong,  but  it  lacked  a  good  supply  of  water,  and 
could  not  be  held  if  besieged  by  a  large  force  of  the 
royal  troops,  as  might  naturally  be  looked  for  so  near 
the  frontier.  The  booty  was  fairly  shared  and  the 
greater  part  of  it,  which  would  hopelessly  impede 
the  movements  of  the  force,  was  sold  to  the  Moors 
of  Guadalajara  and  Hita  who  came,  under  the  Cid's 
safe-conduct,  to  purchase  it.  Before  the  place  was 
abandoned,  the  citadel  was  put  in  charge  of  certain 
of  the  inhabitants  who  had  been  set  free  without 
ransom  on  condition  that  they  would  hold  it  for  the 
Cid.  A  half  mocking  message  was  sent  to  King 
Alfonso  to  say  that  though  he  had  exiled  the  Cid 
he  would  serve  him  with  the  forces  he  had  at  his 
command. 

From  Castrejon  the  freebooters  marched  unop- 
posed in  an  easterly  direction  till  they  came  to  the 
river  Jalon,  a  tributary  of  the  Ebro.  Here  they 
fortified  themselves  near  the  town  of  Alcocer  on  a 
rounded  hill  which  had  access  to  the  water.  The 
country  was  now  thoroughly  roused,  so  it  was  no 
longer  possible  to  take  towns  by  surprise  as  Castrejon 


124  ^^^^   ^^d'  [1081- 

had  been  taken.  Nevertheless  something  must  be 
done  in  order  to  induce  others  to  join  the  force  and 
thus  put  it  in  a  position  to  undertake  more  impor- 
tant operations.  The  Moors  of  Alcocer,  seeing  that 
the  Cid  shewed  no  signs  of  withdrawing,  offered  a 
bribe  to  persuade  him  to  pass  on  his  way  and  leave 
them  unharmed.  This  he  refused,  and  for  some 
weeks  he  held  the  place  under  strict  observation 
maintaining  his  troops  the  while  by  harrying  the 
surrounding  districts.  At  last  he  took  Alcocer  by  a 
trick.  Leaving  some  tents  still  pitched  within  his 
camp  he  suddenly  marched  away  down  the  river 
Jalon  with  all  his  company.  The  Saracens  saw  them 
go,  and  judging  by  the  haste  and  disorder  of  their 
departure  that  some  calamity  had  befallen  them,  or 
that  they  had  received  some  alarming  news,  they 
rushed  forth  from  the  city  eager  to  plunder  the 
deserted  camp.  A  few  picked  men  who  had  been 
left  in  hiding  near  the  city  secured  the  gate  before 
the  Saracens  could  return  from  their  ill-timed  sally. 
The  Cid  galloped  back  to  find  the  whole  population 
unarmed  and  shut  out  from  their  own  gates.  Orders 
were  given  that  the  defenceless  people  should  be 
spared,  not,  however,  from  any  motive  of  humanity, 
but  rather  that  they  might  be  turned  to  profit  as 
slaves. 

At  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Alcocer  the  whole 
Saracen  population  rushed  to  arms.  A  message, 
beseeching  aid,  sent  by  the  citizens  of  Calatayud, 
Teruel,  Cuenca,  Daroca  and  Molina,  brought  up 
reinforcements  from  as  far  as  Valencia.  The  district 
militia  was   called   together  at  Calatayud,   and   the 


1085]  The  C id  in  Exile.  125 

whole  force  appeared  under  the  walls  of  Alcocer  led 
by  two  generals  whom  the  Chroniclers  describe  as 
two  Moorish  Kings.  For  three  weeks  the  Cid  lay 
quietly  behind  his  walls  ;  at  the  end  of  the  third  he 
had  allowed  himself  to  be  cut  off  from  access  to 
water.  He  probably  did  not  care  to  risk  a  battle 
until  he  had  his  men  in  such  a  position  that  defeat 
meant  total  loss.  Moreover  we  may  notice  that,  on 
many  occasions,  the  Cid,  the  boldest  of  men  when 
once  engaged,  shewed  great  reluctance  and  hesitation 
in  engaging  on  a  decisive  battle.  Possibly  too  the 
auguries  on  which  he  depended  for  his  guidance 
were  unfavourable.*  At  a  council  of  war  held  with- 
in the  walls  of  Alcocer  the  leader's  words  were  full 
of  discouragement.  "  We  cannot  reYnain  here,"  he 
said,  "  for  they  have  cut  us  off  from  the  water  ;  we 
cannot  fight  them  because  of  their  numbers."  But 
he  was  merely  acting  a  part  and  waiting  for  some 
other  to  propose  the  bold  measure  that  was  afterwards 
adopted.  Then  Alvar  Fanez  Minaya  stood  up  and 
pointed  to  their  numbers  ;  they  were  six  hundred 
desperate  men  and  more  :  a  sudden  sally  might  well 
be  successful  against  the  besiegers  whom  their  in- 
action had  lulled  into  a  sense  of  fancied  security. 
The  Cid  was  persuaded  and  declared  that  his  kinsman 
had  spoken  after  his  own  heart.  His  first  step  was 
to  thrust  forth  the  whole  Moorish  population  of  the 

*  Not  only  do  the  Chronicles  and  Poejjia  frequently  allude  to  the 
auguries  by  which  the  Cid  guided  his  conduct,  but  the  Count  of  Bar- 
celona, in  a  letter  quoted  further  on  (p.  194),  openly  rebukes  him  for 
the  practice.  Even  as  late  as  the  17th  century  pilgrims  on  their  way 
to  Compostela  consulted  the  sacred  chickens  and  geese  at  Barcelona, 
Tudela,  and  Santo  Domingo  de  la  Calzada. 


126  The  Cid.  [108I- 

castle  and  town,  lest  they  should  convey  to  their 
fellow-countrymen  outside  notice  of  w^hat  was  going 
on.  Such  an  action  would  scarcely  surprise  the  be- 
siegers or  put  them  on  their  guard,  for  the  getting 
rid  of  useless  mouths  from  beleaguered  tow^is  was  a 
practice  almost  always  resorted  to  when  the  supplies 
of  food  and  water  were  low.  The  next  morning  was 
fixed  upon  for  the  sally,  and  careful  instructions  were 
given  to  the  soldiers.  Two  only  were  left  to  guard  the 
gate,  the  Cid  remarking  that  they  would  not  be  able 
to  defend  it  if  the  Moors  gained  the  day,  but  at  any 
rate  they  could  keep  marauders  from  the  rich  booty 
stored  up  within  during  the  fight.  The  rest  were 
bidden  to  keep  well  together  and  not  to  allow  them- 
selves to  be  induced  by  any  partial  success  to  go  too 
far  forward. 

At  the  first  onslaught  the  Moors  fled  in  dismay, 
but  encouraged  by  the  sight  of  their  vastly  superior 
numbers,  they  quickly  rallied  and  drew  up  their 
lines ;  the  serious  fighting  was  still  to  come.  The 
din  of  drums  and  trumpets  was  deafening  as  the 
Infidels  advanced  led  by  the  banners  of  the  two 
generals  and  by  five  others  under  which  were  grouped 
the  militia  of  the  several  towns  w^hich  took  part  in 
the  expedition.  The  confusion  of  the  first  few 
moments  had  given  the  Cid  an  opportunity  of  tak- 
ing up  a  favourable  position  in  Avhich  to  receive 
their  attack.  So  small  did  his  force  appear  that  the 
Saracens  thought  to  capture  the  whole  of  it.  They 
therefore  extended  their  line  so  as  to  greatly  out- 
flank their  adversaries,  thus  sacrificing  the  solidity 
of   their   centre.     As   the    Saracens   advanced    still 


1085] 


The  Cidin  Exile,  127 


closer,  Pero  Bermudez,  the  standard-bearer,  coidd  no 
longer  restrain  his  eagerness.     Bidding  the  Cid  rescue 
his   banner,  he  cast  himself   into   the   thick   of  the 
enemy.     Then  the  fight  became  general :  the  Moors 
closed  in  around  Bermudez  and  attempted  to  beat 
him  and  his  banner  to  the  ground,  but  his  armour 
was  good  and  he  held  his  own  manfully  until  the 
Cid   himself    came    to    his   rescue.     The   impetuous 
charge  of  the  main  body  carried  them  right  through 
the  enemy's  line.     Turning  their  horses  they  charged 
back  again   with   equal    success.     The   Cid    himself 
behaved  like  a  hero  ;  so  many  of  the  enemy  did  he 
slay  or  unhorse  that,  after  a  time,  none  were  bold 
enough   to   face  him,  and  in  whatever  direction  he 
turned   his   horse  a  broad  path  opened  before  him 
through  the  enemy.     Many  a  time  he  was  in  immi- 
nent danger  and  many  a  time  he  was  rescued  by  his 
men.     At  last  the  Moors  were  broken  and  the  two 
generals  fled,  one  to  Teruel  and  the  other  to  Calat- 
ayud.     The  Chroniclers  would  have  us  believe  that 
they  barely   escaped   with  their  lives,  one  of  them 
receiving  at  the  hands  of  the  Cid  the  ''  three  strokes  " 
which   are   generally  portioned  out   by  gleemen  to 
defeated  generals  or  princes.^'     The  defeated  forces 
were  pursued   and  overtaken,  a  rich  booty  was  se- 
cured, and  the  inhabitants  of  Alcocer,  who  had  been 

*  These  "three  blows"  are  among  the  many  commonplaces  of 
the  makers  of  the  chansons  de  geste.  Compare  the  seven-years  sieges. 
Alfonso  the  Learned  relates  that  some  say  that  the  siege  of  Zamora 
lasted  seven  years,  but  this  could  not  be,  as  Don  Sancho  scarcely 
reigned  so  long.  The  siege  of  Toledo  did  last  nearly  seven  years 
unless  this  is  another  instance  of  the  traditional  number  quoted 
regardless  of  facts. 


128  The  Cid.  L1081- 

set  free  on  the  previous  day,  were  now  recaptured 
and  led  back  into  the  town  to  witness  the  rejoicing 
of  the  victors. 

The  Cid  in  his  prosperity  bethought  himself  of 
his  wife  and  daughters  whom  he  had  left  scantily 
supplied  with  money  at  San  Pedro  de  Cardena.  A 
goodly  sum  was  now  sent  them  together  with  a  rich 
present  for  the  abbey.  A  part  of  the  spoil  too  was 
set  apart  for  King  Don  Alfonso  whose  acceptance 
of  it  would  show  he  still  regarded  the  Cid  as  in  some 
sort  his  vassal.  The  messengers  who  bore  these 
gifts  were  warned  that  on  their  return  they  would 
probably  no  longer  find  the  Cid  at  Alcocer.  The 
country  round  had  been  so  mercilessly  harried  that 
it  could  no  longer  maintain  him.  The  cattle  he  had 
collected  were  now  only  a  hindrance  to  him,  so  he 
offered  to  sell  them  to  their  former  owners  and  to 
quit  the  neighbourhood.  His  proposal  was  gladly 
accepted  and,  after  receiving  a  large  sum  for  a  place 
which  he  could  no  longer  hold,  the  Cid  marched 
away.  His  departure  was  regretted,  we  are  told,  by 
the  inhabitants  of  Alcocer  who  had  grown  rich  by 
trading  in  the  booty  which  the  continual  forays 
brought  in.  It  was  the  habit  of  the  Cid  to  establish 
a  market  near  his  camp  and  to  look  well  to  the 
safety  of  those  who  came  to  buy  and  sell,  for,  with- 
out them,  a  great  part  of  his  booty  would  have  been 
valueless  and  he  would  often  have  been  in  want  of 
provisions. 

The  Chroniclers  are  probably  wrong  in  stating  that 
the  chief  of  the  embassy  that  bore  presents  from 
the  exile's  force  to  King  Alfonso  was  Alvar  Faflez 


1085]  TJie  Cid  hi  Exile.  129 

Minaya.  They  have  seized  upon  the  name  of  one 
of  the  greatest  leaders  of  the  time  and  have  made 
him  the  companion  of  the  Cid  and  the  partner  of  his 
fortunes.  We  are  told  that  when  the  messengers 
reached  Castille  they  had  an  interview  with  the 
King  who  was  very  gracious  to  them.  He  told 
them,  however,  that  three  weeks*  was  too  short  a 
time  to  receive  back  to  favour  a  man  who  had  in- 
curred his  anger.  '^  This  is  no  conduct  for  a  king," 
he  said,  "  for  his  anger  to  be  so  short  lived,  unless  it 
be  greatly  to  his  advantage."  He,  however,  declared 
himself  pleased  with  the  Cid's  success,  and,  in  return 
for  his  presents,  he  granted  permission  to  the  mes- 
sengers to  come  and  go  freely  within  his  realms. 
The  same  privilege  was  granted  to  all  who  wished 
to  join  the  Cid's  banner  ;  the  attainder  that  lay  upon 
the  Cid's  property  was  removed. 

In  the  meantime  the  Cid  himself  had  been  cam- 
paigning successfully  on  the  frontiers  of  Aragon. 
The  next  place  that  had  the  misfortune  to  be  selected 
as  the  site  of  his  camp  was  a  hill  above  Montalban 
known  to  this  day  as  the  Poyo  del  Cid.  Here  he 
remained  for  some  weeks  ruthlessly  levying  black- 
mail, which  the  Chroniclers  dignify  by  the  name  of 
tribute,  on  the  surrounding  districts  as  far  as  Medina 
Celi,  Teruel,  and  Celfa.  They  tell  how,  after  a  night 
march,  he  appeared  suddenly  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Saragossa  and  levied  tribute  there  also,  but  after- 
wards became  the  friend  and  ally  of  the  reigning 
prince.     We  know  for  certain  that  he  took  service  at 

*  Even  according  to  the  account  of  these  same  Chroniclers  the  Cid 
had  been  much  longer  than  three  weeks  in  exile. 


TJie  Cid,  [1081- 


Saragossa  after  his  unsuccessful  expedition  to  Barce- 
lona. Of  this  expedition  the  Chroniclers  make  no 
mention  :  probably  they  considered  it  would  tarnish 
their  hero's  glory  to  tell  how  he  appeared  as  an  ad- 
venturer of  broken  fortunes  at  the  Court  of  a  prince 
whom  he  afterwards  conquered  more  than  once. 

The  whole  of  the  exploits  of  the  Cid  from  the  time 
he  left  Castille  to  the  time  he  reached  Saragossa, 
with  the  single  exception  of  his  visit  to  Barcelona, 
rest  entirely  on  the  traditional  accounts  preserved  in 
the  Poema  del  Cid  and  copied  by  later  chroniclers. 
We  now  get  on  to  safer  ground  and  henceforth  some 
of  our  authorities  are  almost  contemporary. 

The  Cid  arrived  at  Saragossa  in  1081  and  took 
service  with  Al-muktadir,  the  second  king  of  the 
Beni  Hud  dynasty.  This  prince  had  already  reigned 
over  Saragossa,  sometimes  independently,  sometimes 
as  a  tributary  of  Castille,  for  more  than  thirty  years, 
almost  all  of  which  had  been  spent  in  continual 
warfare.  It  has  recently  been  proved  that  Sulei- 
man, father  of  Al-muktadir,  and  founder  of  the 
dynasty,  divided  his  kingdom  on  his  death  between 
his  four  sons.  Al-mudhaffar  the  eldest,  a  brave  and 
learned  prince,  received  Lerida  and  Tortosa  as  his 
portion  ;  two  other  brothers  were  made  Emirs  of 
Calatayud  and  Tudela  respectively,  while  Al-mukta- 
dir— probably  his  father's  favourite — inherited  Sara- 
gossa. It  was  in  his  eldest  brother,  Al-mudhaffar,  that 
he  found  his  stoutest  adversary.  Like  most  of  the 
degenerate  Saracen  princes  of  his  day  he  employed 
Christian  mercenaries.  On  one  occasion,  thinking  to 
put  an  end  to  the  struggle,  Al-muktadir  had  engaged 


1085]  The  Cid  in  Exile,  131 

a  large  force  of  Catalans  and  Navarrese,  but  at  the 
decisive  moment  they  had  displayed  the  proverbial 
faithlessness  of  mercenaries  and  deserted  to  his 
brother.  Finding  himself  unable  to  conquer  in  the 
field,  he  had  recourse  to  treachery.  He  arranged  a 
private  interview  with  Al-mudhaffar.  The  terms  were 
that  they  should  meet  alone  and  unarmed,  and  try  by 
amicable  discussion  to  find  some  settlement  for  their 
differences.  Al-mudhaffar  appeared  at  the  meeting- 
place  apparently  unarmed,  but  he  wore  beneath 
his  robes  a  coat  of  mail.  To  this  he  owed  his  life. 
By  order  of  Al-muktadir  he  was  set  upon  by  a  Nav- 
arrese knight  who  thought  to  slay  him  easily.  Al- 
muktadir  of  course  disclaimed  the  attempt  of  his 
baffled  emissary,  and  thus  found  an  excuse  for 
venting  his  disappointment  by  putting  the  Navarrese 
to  death.  Thus  the  war  dragged  wearily  on  as 
before,  not  so  much  by  regular  campaigns  as  by  a 
series  of  destructive  forays  in  which  the  people  of 
the  open  country  and  undefended  villages  suffered 
severely,  while  the  conclusion  of  the  struggle  was 
brought  no  nearer.  But  at  last,  during  one  of  these 
inroads,  Al-mudhaffar  fell  into  his  brother's  hands. 
His  dominions  were  annexed  to  those  of  Saragossa 
and  he  himself  was  shut  up  in  the  castle  of  Rueda. 

Continually  pressed  by  his  Christian  neighbours  of 
Castille,  Aragon,  Navarre,  and  Barcelona,  Al-mukta- 
dir was  not  allowed  to  enjoy  his  ill-gotten  territory 
in  peace.  When  fortune  brought  the  Cid  to  his 
gates  he  readily  seized  the  opportunity  of  taking  into 
his  service  one  of  the  most  skilful  captains  of  the 
day.     He  lived  but  a  few  months  to  enjoy  the  pro- 


132  The  Cid.  [1081- 

tection  of  the  Cid,  and  on  his  death  (Oct.  1081), 
following  his  father's  dangerous  example,  he  divided 
his  kingdom  between  his  two  sons.  Al-mutamen,  the 
elder,  became  King  of  Saragossa,  and  Al-mundhir  the 
Hagib  or  scholar  (called  by  the  Chroniclers  Alfagib) 
became  King  of  Denia,  which  had  been  lately  added 
to  the  dominion  of  the  family,  and  of  Lerida  and 
Tortosa.  The  Cid  took  service  again  with  the  new 
King  of  Saragossa  and  was  soon  employed  in  the 
war  that  broke  out  between  the  brothers. 

In  order  to  counterbalance  the  advantage  that 
Al-mutamen  possessed  by  having  under  his  orders  a 
body  of  Christian  troops,  Al-mundhir  entered  into 
alliance  with  his  neighbours  Sancho  Ramirez,  King 
of  Aragon,  and  the  hot-headed  Berenger,  Count  of 
Barcelona.  *  Their  united  efforts  however  were  un- 
able to  check  the  ravages  of  the  Cid  whose  name  had 
become  a  terror  on  the  frontier.  On  one  occasion 
Al-mundhir  and  his  allies  had  approached  the  terri- 
tory of  Saragossa  while  the  Cid  lay  encamped  near 
Monzon,  King  Sancho  of  Aragon  had  taunted  the 
Cid  saying  that  he  would  not  dare  to  enter  the  place 
in  the  face  of  a  greatly  superior  force.  This  chal- 
lenge was  accepted  by  the  Cid  out  of  bravado.  When 
he  marched  past  the  allied  army,  the  astonishment 
caused  by  his  bold  act  and  the  fear  of  his  arms  pre- 
served him  from  attack. 

*  Some  authors  have  disputed  the  existence  of  Berenger,  Count  of 
Barcelona,  the  Cid's  enemy.  It  is  however  certain  that  Ramon  el 
Viejo  left  his  undivided  countship  to  his  two  sons.  In  December  1082 
Berenger,  known  afterwards  as  el Fratricida  or  Caheza  de  Estopa  (tow- 
head),  murdered  his  brother  and  became  the  guardian  of  his  nephew 
Ramon  III.,  el  Grande,  who  was  at  the  time  only  a  month  old. 


1085]  The  Cid  in  Exile.  133 

Not  long  after  this,  Al-mutamen,  by  the  advice  of 
the  Cid,  set  to  work  to  rebuild  and  fortify  the  dis- 
mantled castle  of  Almenara  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Lerida.  Al-mundhir  saw  that  the  possession  of  such 
a  stronghold  would  give  his  enemies  a  base  of  opera- 
tions and  a  rallying-place  for  their  forays,  and  would 
be  a  thorn  in  his  side,  as  was  the  castle  of  Aledo  in 
the  side  of  the  Saracens  of  the  South.  He  deter- 
mined to  prevent  the  completion  of  the  work,  and 
summoned  to  his  aid  his  Catalan  and  Provencal  allies. 
A  powerful  force  was  collected  under  the  leader- 
ship of  the  Counts  of  Barcelona  and  Cerdagne,  the 
brother  of  the  Count  of  Urgel,  the  lords  of  Vich, 
Ampourdan,  Roussillon  and  Carcassonne.  The  new 
castle  was  besieged  while  the  Cid  was  absent  at 
Scarps  hard  by.  So  strong  were  the  fortifications 
of  Almenara  that,  even  with  the  large  force  at  their 
command,  the  Provencal  leaders  were  unable  to  take 
it  by  storm.  After  a  siege  of  some  length,  however, 
the  garrison  began  to  suffer  from  scarcity  of  water 
and  sent  news  of  their  plight  to  the  Cid  who  imme- 
diately communicated  it  to  Al-mutamen.  Alarmed 
at  the  prospect  of  losing  so  important  a  position,  the 
King  of  Saragossa  hurried  to  Tamariz  where  he  met 
the  Cid  and  urged  him  to  attack  the  enemy  and  raise 
the  siege  before  it  was  too  late.  The  Cid  pointed 
out  the  imprudence  of  attacking  so  powerful  an  army 
.and  advised  the  King  rather  to  offer  a  bribe  to  the 
besiegers.  Al-mutamen  agreed,  and  a  large  sum 
was  entrusted  to  ambassadors  with  orders  to  do  their 
best  to  break  up  the  alliance  by  means  of  bribery. 
This  proceeding  was  rightly  interpreted  by  the  allies 


134  T^^^^  Cid.  [1081- 

as  an  admission  of  weakness.  Relying  on  their 
superior  numbers  and  the  advantage  of  their  posi- 
tion, they  refused  to  treat  and  continued  the  siege. 
Their  boldness  was  speedily  punished,  for  the  Cid 
always  shewed  himself  most  formidable  when  ap- 
parently most  diffident.  Immediately  on  the  return 
of  the  unsuccessful  ambassadors  he  marched  against 
the  enemy.  The  armies  met  in  regular  battle  array 
and,  with  no  advantage  of  position  to  compensate 
for  the  inferiority  of  his  numbers,  the  Cid  utterly 
routed  the  force  opposed  to  him.  The  number  of 
the  slain  was  very  large.  Count  Berenger  himself 
was  taken  prisoner  and  handed  over  by  the  Cid  to 
Al-mutamen,  who  released  him  five  days  later  after 
making  a  formal  alliance  with  him.  After  their 
brilliant  victory  the  King  and  the  Cid  returned  to- 
gether in  triumph  to  Saragossa.  The  King's  grati- 
tude was  shewn  in  the  honours  which  he  bestowed 
on  his  protector  and  ally.  "Al-mutamen,"  says  the 
Latin  Chronicle,  "  exalted  Rodrigo  during  his  life, 
and  set  him  over  his  son,  and  over  his  kingdom,  and 
over  all  his  land,  so  that  he  seemed  to  be  lord  of  all 
his  dominions  ;  he  enriched  him  also  with  unfold 
bounties  and  countless  gifts  of  gold  and  silver." 

This  victory  must  belong  to  the  first  or  second 
year  of  Al-mutamen's  reign  (1082-3)  though  the 
actual  date  is  uncertain.  Shortly  afterwards,  there 
took  place  an  event  of  so  startling  a  kind  that  it  gives 
us  a  landmark  in  the  obscure  chronology  of  the  time. 
Impressed  by  its  importance,  the  monks  recorded  it 
in  their  annals,  rough  lists  of  notable  events,  without 
detail   of   any  kind,  that  were    kept  in  some  of  the 


1085]  The  Cid  111  Exile.  135 

principal  religious  houses.  These  records  are  often 
silent  for  years  together  until  some  victory  or  dis- 
aster, or  the  death  of  a  king,  struck  the  monkish 
chronicler  as  being  worthy  of  being  jotted  down  on 
the  blank  leaf  of  a  mass  book. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Al-muktadir,  the  father 
and  predecessor  of  Al-mutamen,  had  captured  and 
imprisoned  his  brother  Al-mudhaffar  in  the  castle  of 
Rueda  on  the  river  Jalon.  In  1083,  Al-mudhaffar 
found  means  to  bribe  his  guardian,  whom  the  chron- 
iclers call  Albofalac,  or  Almofalar,  and  describe  as 
a  person  of  mean  birth.  Al-mudhaffar,  once  in  pos- 
session of  the  castle,  laid  claim  to  the  dominions  of 
his  late  brother,  and  sent  messages  to  Don  Alfonso 
of  Castille  to  beg  his  help.  Ready  as  ever  to  inter- 
fere in  the  affairs  of  his  neighbours,  Alfonso,  although 
engaged  at  the  time  in  the  siege  of  Toledo,  found 
means  to  send  a  considerable  force  under  the  joint 
command  of  his  cousin  Ramiro,  son  of  Garcia  of  Na- 
varre, and  Gonzalo  Salvadores,  governor  of  old  Cas- 
tille, whose  prowess  in  the  field  had  won  him  the 
name  of  Cuatro-manos  (four  hands).  On  their  ar- 
rival at  Rueda  they  were  persuaded  by  Al-mudhaffar 
that,  for  the  success  of  their  joint  undertaking,  it 
was  necessary  that  Alfonso  should  lead  the  army. 
Their  representations  were  favourably  received,  and 
the  King  came  to  Rueda,  where  he  found  Al-mud- 
haffar at  the  point  of  death.  Albofalac  now  became 
alarmed  at  the  turn  events  were  taking.  No  longer 
upheld  by  the  bold  spirit  of  Al-mudhaffar,  he  dreaded 
falling  into  the  hands  of  a  Christian  prince  who 
was   likely  to   shew  but   small  regard  for  a  traitor 


13^  Th^  Cid.  [1081- 

when  once"  he  had  reaped  all  the  advantage  he  could 
hope  for  from  his  treachery.  Accordingly,  he  en- 
tered into  communication  with  Al-mutamen,  and 
sought  to  regain  his  favour  by  inflicting  some  sig- 
nal blow  on  the  Christians.  As  is  the  wont  of  cow- 
ards at  bay,  he  acted  with  desperate  boldness.  He 
sought  an  interview  with  King  Alfonso,  and  offered 
to  hand  over  the  castle  to  him  if  he  would  come  in 
person  to  take  possession.  Whether  Alfonso  had 
any  suspicion  of  the  trap  laid  for  him  we  do  not 
know,  but  instead  of  going  himself,  he  sent  Gonzalo 
Salvadores  and  others  of  his  captains  to  the  castle. 
No  sooner  had  they  entered  the  gates  than  they 
were  overwhelmed  and  slain  by  a  hail  of  stones  and 
arrows.  Alfonso  retired  dejected  and  furious  to  his 
camp  vowing  vengeance  against  Rueda. 

When  the  Cid  heard  the  news  his  first  care  was 
to  convince  the  King  that  he  had  taken  no  share  in 
the  treacherous  plot  against  his  life.  He  visited  the 
camp  before  Rueda  and  was  honourably  received  ; 
on  the  King's  departure  he  accompanied  him  to 
Castille.  The  later  chronicles  give  a  fuller  version 
of  the  affair.  They  relate  that  after  the  murder  of 
Gonzalo  Salvadores  the  Cid  declined  to  return  to 
Castille  until  he  should  have  first  reduced  Rueda. 
It  was  the  readiest  and  most  effectual  means  of  con- 
vincing his  fellow-countrymen  of  his  innocence,  and 
he  set  about  it  with  his  accustomed  energy.  So 
strong,  however,  was  the  place  that  it  resisted  all 
his  attempts  to  take  it  by  storm,  and  he  was  obliged 
to  besiege  it  for  a  long  time  before  he  compelled  its 
garrison  to  sue  for  terms.     To  those  who  had  taken 


1085] 


The  Cid  in  Exile.  137 


no  share  in  the  murder  their  lives  were  assured  ; 
they  came  forth  from  the  castle  submitting  to  the 
heavy  fine  inflicted  upon  them  for  their  obstinacy. 
There  remained  still  within  the  fortress  a  small  rem- 
nant of  the  guilty,  now  no  longer  able  to  hold  out 
against  the  storming-parties.  Not  one  of  these  es- 
caped ;  many  were  slain,  and  those  who  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Cid  were  sold  as  slaves.  Albofalac 
himself  with  his  chief  men  was  sent  to  Alfonso  who 
"did  great  justice  upon  them." 

The  Cid  now  joined  the  King  thinking  that  he 
had  gained  his  confidence  and  forgiveness  ;  but  it 
was  not  so.  Signs  of  the  suspicion  and  enmity  still 
cherished  against  him  were  soon  apparent,  and  he 
suddenly  quitted  Castille  and  took  service  again 
with  Al-mutamen,  who  had  borne  as  best  he  might 
the  brief  but  violent  outbreak  of  his  powerful  mer- 
cenary. We  must  suppose  that  Al-mutamen  dis- 
claimed all  share  in  the  treachery  of  the  governor 
of  Rueda. 

Having  thus  shewn  that  his  fidelity  could  not  be 
depended  upon  by  his  Saracen  employers,  the  Cid 
was  the  more  desirous  of  proving  his  power  and 
skill,  in  order  to  make  them  willing  to  overlook 
his  occasional  lapses.  He  had  not  long  to  wait 
for  an  opportunity  of  distinguishing  himself.  He 
accompanied  Al-mutamen  on  a  foray  into  Aragon, 
and  for  five  days  they  spread  devastation  through 
the  land,  moving  with  such  speed  that  all  attempts 
to  check  them  were  in  vain  and  they  returned  to 
Monzon  with  much  boory  and  many  captives.  Such 
was  the  terror  of  the  Cid's  name  that  the  King  of 


138  The  Cid.  [1081- 

Aragon,  though  his  army  was  in  the  field,  made  no 
attempt  to  punish  them.  Emboldened  by  success, 
the  Cid  next  accepted  a  commission  to  harry  the 
lands  of  Al-mundhir  the  Hagib,  brother  of  Al-muta- 
men.  This  expedition  lasted  longer  than  the  former 
and  was  not  less  destructive  to  those  against  whom 
it  was  directed.  The  scene  of  its  operations  was  the 
mountains  of  Morella  which  were  rich  in  herds,  and 
moreover  were  less  likely  to  have  been  lately  plun- 
dered than  the  open  plain.  In  all  this  region  the 
Cid  *'  did  not  leave  a  house  that  he  did  not  destroy, 
nor  movable  property  that  he  did  not  carry  off." 
He  moreover  attacked  the  castle  of  Morella  and 
fought  his  way  up  to  the  gate.  The  defences  of  the 
place  were  greatly  weakened,  and  it  was  on  the  point 
of  falling  into  his  hands  when  orders  from  Al-muta- 
men  turned  his  energies  in  another  direction.  He 
was  commanded  to  rebuild  the  dismantled  castle  of 
Alcald  de  Chivert  near  the  coast  to  the  south  of  Mor- 
ella. This  he  did  and  threw  into  it  a  well-equipped 
garrison. 

Common  misfortunes  and  interests  now  brought 
about  an  alliance  between  Al-mundhir  and  Sanclio 
of  Aragon  with  the  object  of  crushing  the  Cid. 
Having  assembled  their  armies  in  which  many 
French,  Portuguese,  Leonese,  Navarrese  and  Gali- 
cians  of  gentle  birth  served  as  mercenaries,  they 
pitched  their  camp  on  the  banks  of  the  Ebro  hard 
by  the  place  where  the  Cid  lay.  Thence  a  haughty 
and  imperious  message  was  sent  bidding  him  with- 
draw at  once.  The  Cid's  answer  is  curious  :  "  If  my 
Lord,  the  King,  wishes  to  pass  by  me  in  peace,  I 


1085]  The  Cidin  Exile.  i39 


will  Madly  serve  him  and  not  only  him  but  also  his 
men      Moreover,  if  he  wishes,  I  will  give  hnn  a  hun- 
dred of  my  soldiers  to  serve  him  and  accompany  hmi 
on  his  way."     This  message,  like  that  sent  later  to 
the  Count  of  Barcelona,  may  have  been  meant,  as 
has  been  supposed,  to  provoke  the  allied  arm.es  to 
attack.     It  may,  however,  be  regarded  as  an  attemp 
to  avoid  a  pitched  battle  in  which  the  Cid  had  all 
to  lose  and  nothing  to  gain.     The  Cid  was  always 
reluctant  to  fight  on  such    occasions;  he  preferred 
harrying   the   country  to    fighting   pitched   battles. 
Sancho  was  irritated  at  the  way  in  which  his  com- 
mand  to   quit   the  country  had   been   disregarded. 
Breaking  up  his  camp,  he  hastily  advanced  and  took 
up  a  new  position  in  sight  of  the  Cid  s  army.     The 
next  day  he  was  overthrown  by  the  skill  and  valour 
of  his  adversary.     At  first  the  field  was  stubbornly 
contested;    but    when    once    the    Aragonese   were 
broken,   their   defeat    rapidly   became   a   rout.     As 
many  as  two  thousand  prisoners  fell  into  the  Cid  s 
hands,  among  them  fifteen  noblemen  of  such  coiisid- 
eration  that  their  names  are  recorded  m  the  Gcsta 
The  rank  and  file  of  the  prisoners  were  at  once  set 
at  liberty,  but  the  principal  among  them  graced  the 
triumphal  return  of  the  Cid  to  Saragossa.     He  was 
met  some  miles  outside  the  city  by  Al-mutame,i  and 
his  sons  who  had  marched  out  with  the  glad  citizens 
to  do  him  honour. 

This  happened  in  1085,  and  shortly  afterwards  A- 
mutamen  died.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Al- 
mustain  in  whose  service  the  Cid  remained  for  some 
years      During  this  time  wc  know  little  or  nothing 


140 


The  Cid, 


[1081-85 


of  his  exploits  ;  for,  as  the  author  of  the  Gesta  re- 
marks, "■  the  wars  and  rumours  of  wars  in  which 
Rodrigo  took  part  with  his  soldiers  are  not  all  writ- 
ten in  this  book."  It  is  certain  that  the  Cid  served 
the  Beni  Hud  of  Saragossa  almost  continuously 
from  108 1  to  1088.  Meanwhile  stirring  events  in 
which  he  had  no  part  took  place  in  the  south.  Of 
these  some  account  must  be  given  before  continuing 
the  Cid's  story. 


^iZiiz:^ 


^^y\\-i 


.i 

^ 

>  i   ' 

--  / 

_r^    V    ■ 

\ 

_v'  IT 

CHAPTER  VI. 

THE   CONQUESTS   OF    ALFONSO    AND   CONDITION   OF 
THE   SARACEN   PRINCES   OF  THE   SOUTH. 

I082-I085. 

IN  1084  it  seemed  as  if  the  hour  of  Spain's  deliver- 
ance from  the  unbehevers  was  near  at  hand. 
From  his  camp  before  Toledo,Alfonso  imposed 
his  tribute  on  the  degenerate  and  turbulent  kinglets 
of  the  south,  or  led  his  forays  almost  unopposed 
throughout  their  lands.  Saragossa  was  at  the  mercy 
of  its  so-called  protector,  the  Cid.  The  fate  of  Va- 
lencia hung  only  on  the  rivalries  of  those  who  saw  in 
her  an  easy  prey.  Seville,  the  most  important  of  the 
Saracen  states,  was  ruled  by  Al-mutamed,  a  typical 
Andalusian  kinglet,  whose  romantic  story  is  inti- 
mately connected  with  the  great  events  and  persons 
of  his  time. 

Al-mutamed  was  the  son  of  the  statesman,  con- 
queror, and  voluptuary,  Al-mutadhid  who,  by  cease- 
less activity,  had  greatly  extended  his  dominions  in 
Andalusia.  To  his  father's  valour  and  love  of  pleas- 
ure Al-mutamed  added  refined  and  scholarly  tastes, 
which   made    his    name    celebrated    even  at  a  time 

141 


142  The  Czd.  [1082- 

when  these  were  common  among  his  countrymen. 
In  his  early  youth  his  father,  anxious  that  he  should 
learn  to  govern,  placed  him  in  charge  of  the  import- 
ant town  of  Huelva.  Shortly  afterwards  he  led  the 
army  which  was  besieging  Silves  in  the  Algarve. 
Here  it  was  that  he  made  the  acquaintance  of  the 
man  who  was  fated  to  have  so  far-reaching  an  influ- 
ence on  the  whole  course  of  his  life. 

Ibn-Ammar  was  a  poet  and  scholar,  who,  after 
studying  at  Silves,  his  native  place,  and  at  Cordova, 
roamed  from  town  to  town,  addressing  his  verses  to 
any  who  were  able  and  willing  to  pay  for  the  formal 
compliments  they  contained.  His  wanderings  had 
brought  him  but  small  honour  and  less  profit,  and 
prosperous  poets,  attached  to  the  Courts  of  Kings, 
made  mock  of  Ibn-Ammar's  long  gown  and  little 
cap.  To  such  straits  was  he  often  reduced  that, 
returning  on  one  occasion  to  Silves  in  a  penniless 
condition,  he  sought  to  remedy  it  by  addressing  a 
copy  of  verses  to  a  tradesman.  His  efforts  were  re- 
warded by  a  present  of  a  sack  of  barley.  The  poet 
did  not  consider  himself  insulted.  When,  years  after, 
he  rose  to  greatness,  he  sent  his  former  benefactor 
a  sack  of  silver  in  return.  At  the  same  time  he 
shewed  his  sense  of  the  meanness  of  the  gift  by  de- 
claring that,  had  his  fee  been  paid  in  wheat,  it  would 
have  been  returned  in  gold.  Al-mutamed  himself 
was  a  poet,  and  between  him  and  Ibn-Ammar,  his 
elder  by  nine  years,  there  sprung  up  a  close  friend- 
ship founded  on  kindred  tastes,  and  a  romantic  and 
elegant  love  of  pleasure. 

When  the  town  of  Silves  was  captured,  Ibn-Am- 


1085]  The  Conquests  of  Alfonso.  143 

mar,  the  poet,  was  made  governor  of  his  native  place. 
From  this  time  onward  the  intercourse  between  the 
two  friends  was  of  the  closest  kind.  Ibn-Ammar 
instilled  some  of  his  own  scepticism  into  his  patron's 
mind,  without,  however,  spoiling  his  naturally  frank 
and  gay  disposition.  At  Silves,  as  afterwards  at 
Seville,  their  life  was  given  up  to  poetry,  pleasure, 
and  wine.  It  would  have  been  unclouded  save  for 
the  gloomy  presentiments  of  the  elder  man  whom 
early  experience  had  taught  to  mistrust  present 
prosperity,  and  who  is  said  to  have  been  warned  in 
a  dream  that  he  should  die  by  the  hand  of  his  friend 
and  boon-companion.  Al-mutamed  used  to  reason 
with  the  poet  in  his  moments  of  gloom,  and  seek  to 
reassure  him  by  laughing  at  his  forebodings  and  de- 
claring that  for  him  to  murder  his  friend  would  be 
to  commit  suicide. 

Often  like  Harun-Ar-rashid  and  his  Vizir,  the 
prince  and  poet  would  disguise  themselves  and  join 
the  gay  throng  that  at  evening  sought  the  Silver 
Meadow  outside  Seville.  As  they  strolled  along 
they  discoursed  pleasantly  or  capped  verses  after 
the  Eastern  fashion.  One  day,  while  thus  employed, 
Al-mutamed  uttered  half  a  verse  and  waited  to  hear 
it  completed  in  the  same  measure  and  rhyme  by  the 
friend  who  walked  at  his  side.  This  time,  however, 
Ibn-Ammar  did  not  answer  with  his  wonted  glibness, 
and,  while  he  hesitated,  the  lacking  line  was  supplied 
by  a  beautiful  girl  among  the  crowd.  Charmed  by 
her  appearance  and  her  ready  wit,  Al-mutamed 
caused  her  to  be  followed.  He  learned  that  her 
name    was    Itimad    and    that    she    was    also    called 


144  ^^^  ^^^'  LI  082- 

Romeykiyyah,  being  the  slave  of  a  certain  Romeyk. 
The  prince  married  her  and  showed  his  affection  for 
her  by  taking  the  name  of  Al-mutamed  (derived 
from  the  same  root  as  Itimad)  in  addition  to  that 
which  he  had  hitherto  borne.  He  had  no  cause  to 
regret  his  choice.  Romeykiyyah  made  up  for  her 
scanty  education  by  her  mother-wit  and  her  gay  yet 
charmingly  petulant  nature.  Her  caprices  and  ex- 
travagances were  renowned  beyond  her  own  century 
and  her  own  people ;  nearly  three  centuries  later 
they  served  to  illustrate  the  moral  maxims  of  the 
grim  old  warrior  Don  Juan  Manuel,  Prince  of  Cas- 
tille."  So  the  three  lived  pleasantly  together,  and 
Al-mutamed  shared  his  generous  heart  between  his 
wife  and  his  friend,  caring  not  a  whit  how  the  harsh 
faqiiihs  stormed  against  his  love  of  pleasure  and  his 
friend's  openly  avowed  scepticism. 

But  his  father,  ALmutadhid,  who  still  reigned, 
attributing  his  son's  recklessness  to  Ibn-Ammar's 
influence,  broke  up  the  pleasant  companionship  by 
banishing  the  favourite.  He  retired  to  Saragossa  and 
kept  up  a  poetical  correspondence  with  his  patron 
till  1069,  when  Al-nmtamed  took  advantage  ofjiis 
father's  death  to  recall  him  and  offer  him  the  choice 
of  positions  in  his  kingdom.  Ibn-Ammar  chose  to 
become  governor  of  Silves,  where  he  established 
himself  with  unheard  of  magnificence.  He  did  not 
however  long  enjoy  his  government ;  recalled  by  the 
friend  who  could  not  bear  to  live  without  him,  he 
was  speedily  appointed  to  the  highest  offices  of  state. 
So  the  old  life  began  again,  and  the  Court  became 

*  See  his  Conde  Lucanor,  cap.  14. 


1085]  The  Conquests  of  Alfonso,  145 

an  academy  of  poets  presided  over  by  Al-mutamed, 
whose  delicate  wit  and  generosity  were  extolled  by  all. 
Many  are  the  stories  of  the  quaint  humour  which  lay 
on  the  surface  of  his  passionate  and  manly  nature. 
When  he  turned  his  thoughts  from  his  verses  and 
from  his  harem,  in  which  Itimad  still  reigned  su- 
preme, to  graver  matters,  success  almost  always  at- 
tended his  efforts.  The  neighbouring  republic 
of  Cordova  had  fallen  on  evil  days.  In  1064  its 
wise  president,  Abu-'l-walid  Ibn-Jahwar,  abdicated, 
and  his  authority  nominally  descended  to  his  two 
sons.  The  real  power  however  remained  in  the 
hands  of  Ibn-As-sakka,  the  Vizir,  whose  prudence 
for  a  time  saved  the  state.  Intrigues,  in  which  Al- 
mutamed  had  a  considerable  share,  caused  the  fall  of 
Ibn-As-sakka,  and  immediately  afterwards  Al-mamun 
of  Toledo  hurried  to  secure  the  defenceless  prize. 
Al-mutamed  however  was  beforehand  with  him,  and, 
by  sending  a  powerful  army  into  the  country  under 
the  pretence  of  supporting  the  younger  son  of  Ibn- 
Jahwar,  caused  Al-mamun  to  withdraw.  The  Presi- 
dent of  the  republic  and  his  family  were  seized,  and 
Al-mutamed  celebrated  his  triumph  in  verse  under 
the  allegory  of  a  love-victory  over  a  beauty  long  de- 
sired. This  took  place  in  1070,  and  Al-mutamed 
conferred  the  government  of  Cordova  on  his  youth- 
ful son  Abbad.  In  the  meantime  Al-mamun  was 
preparing  to  make  good  his  failure.  He  appealed 
for  help  to  the  King  of  Castille  and  the  two  together 
ravaged  the  plain  up  to  the  gates  of  the  city  but 
failed  to  take  it,  thanks  to  the  valour  of  the  young 
governor  Abbad. 


146  The  Cid.  [1082- 

Al-mamun  now  took  into  his  service  a  bandit 
chieftain  named  Ibn-Ukasha,  who  began  by  estab- 
Hshing  relations  with  the  malcontents  within  the 
city.  One  winter's  night,  in  the  year  1075,  the  free- 
booter scaled  the  walls,  surprised  and  slew  Abbad, 
and  handed  over  the  city  to  Al-mamun,  who  imme- 
diately took  up  his  residence  in  it.  Six  months  later 
Al-mamun  died,  poisoned  probably  at  the  instigation 
of  Ibn-Ukasha,  whom  he  hated  and  dreaded,  and 
who  was  now  left  in  sole  possession  of  Cordova. 
Grieved  to  the  heart  by  the  loss  of  his  son,  and 
exasperated  at  the  ill  success  of  his  carefully  laid 
schemes,  Al-mutamed  put  forth  every  effort  to  re- 
gain possession  of  Cordova.  After  three  years  he 
succeeded.  Ibn-Ukasha  was  slain  fighting  bravely 
and  his  body  was  crucified  with  a  dog  by  its  side. 
Together  with  Cordova  all  the  lands  of  the  kingdom 
of  Toledo  between  the  Guadalquiver  and  Guadiana 
fell  into  Al-mutamed 's  hands. 

King  Afonso,  meanwhile,  watched  with  interest 
the  suicidal  struggle  between  the  kinglets  of  the 
south,  most  of  whom — including  Al-mutamed — were 
his  tributaries.  The  relations  between  the  two  are 
not  very  clear.  We  are  told  that  Alfonso  married 
Zayda,  the  daughter  of  Al-mutamed,  and  that  she 
became  the  mother  of  his  son  Sancho  who  was  slain 
by  the  Almoravides  in  1108,  when  still  quite  young. 
That  she  cannot  have  been  his  lawful  wife  is  made 
practically  certain  by  the  dates  of  his  three  other 
marriages  and  by  documents  relating  to  the  lives  of 
his  queens.  But  through  long  residence  in  Saracen 
lands  Alfonso  had  become  half  an  eastern  in  manners. 


1085]  The  Conquests  of  Alfonso.  147 

The  late  chronicles  mention  a  lady  of  great  estate, 
Jimena  Munoz,  as  well  as  Zayda,  as  his  mistress. 
They  tell  too  a  romantic  tale  how  Zayda  fell  in  love 
with  the  fame  of  the  Christian  King  and  how,  when 
she  saw  him,  her  passion  increased  to  such  a  degree 
that  she  gave  herself  to  him  with  a  rich  dower  in 
lands  and  castles.  The  existence  of  this  Zayda  and 
her  baptism,  under  the  name  of  Elizabeth,  is  vouched 
for  by  contemporary  evidence.  In  the  church  of 
San  Isidoro  at  Leon,  somewhat  lower  than  the  tombs 
of  Alfonso's  queens,  stood,  until  destroyed  by  the 
French  in  the  time  of  Napoleon,  one  with  the  inscrip- 
tion, H.  R.  Elizabeth  uxor  Regis  Alfonsi :  filia  Ben- 
abet  Regis  Sibilce,  quae  pritts  Zayda  fuit  vocata. 

The  date  of  this  marriage  between  Alfonso  and 
Al-mutamed's  daughter,  if  indeed  such  a  marriagre 
really  took  place,  is  later  than  the  period  of  which 
we  are  treating.  At  this  time  no  friendly  relations 
existed,  and  when  his  tribute  was  not  readily  forth- 
coming, Alfonso  was  wont  to  appear  in  arms  in  Al- 
mutamed's  kingdom.  On  one  such  occasion  it 
seemed  as  though  he  were  about  to  seize  the  de- 
fenceless city  of  Seville.  He  was  prevented  by  a 
trick  of  the  wily  Vizir,  Ibn-Ammar.  The  story, 
though  strange  according  to  modern  and  western 
ideas,  is  not  so  improbable  as  to  warrant  the  rejec- 
tion of  the  testimony  of  the  Arabic  historian  by 
whom  it  is  told.  When  Ibn-Ammar  saw  the  Sevil- 
lians  in  despair  at  the  thought  of  the  loss  of  their 
last  shred  of  independence,  he  caused  to  be  prepared 
a  marvellous  chess-board,  the  like  of  which  was 
never  seen  before.     The  pieces  were  of  ebony  and 


148  The  Cid.  [IO82- 

sandal-wood,  encrusted  with  gold.  As  soon  as  Al- 
fonso caught  sight  of  it  he  longed  to  possess  it ; 
Ibn-Ammar  had  accurately  gauged  his  love  of  finery. 
The  Vizir  (by  means  of  bribery)  had  gained  a  prom- 
ise of  support  for  his  scheme  from  some  of  the 
King's  followers.  Relying  upon  their  help,  he  con- 
sented to  play  Alfonso  for  the  possession  of  the 
board.  The  King's  stake  was  a  vague  promise  to 
do  whatever  his  opponent  should  bid  him.  Alfonso 
relied  on  his  good  play  ;  and  moreover,  whilst  he 
had  his  army  at  his  back,  he  knew  that  he  was 
master  of  the  situation  whatever  might  be  the  result 
of  the  game.  Ibn-Ammar,  a  skilful  player  like 
many  of  his  countrymen,  won  the  game  and  de- 
manded as  forfeit  the  withdrawal  of  the  army. 
Alfonso  stormed  and  protested,  but  his  followers  in 
the  Vizir's  pay  represented  that  his  honour  was 
involved  in  the  fulfilment  of  his  pledge.  Finally  he 
withdrew  accepting  as  compensation  for  his  disap- 
pointment a  double  tribute  for  the  year. 

It  was  vanity  and  a  passion  for  greatness  that 
finally  brought  about  Ibn-Ammar's  fall.  The  poet 
was  no  soldier:  yet  he  dreamed  of  conquest ;  though 
his  wits  were  sharp  at  capping  verses  they  were  -no 
match  for  those  of  men  to  whom  intrigue  had  been 
a  lifelong  study.  His  covetous  eye  fell  upon  the 
feeble  principality  of  Murcia  governed  by  the  rich 
Abu-Abdu-r-rham  Ibn-Tahir  and  he  determined  to 
win  it  for  himself.  To  this  end,  whilst  on  a  visit  to 
the  Court  of  Barcelona,  Ibn-Ammar  concluded  a 
secret  alliance  with  Count  Raymond-Berenger  II.,  a 
prince  who  was  ever  ready  to  lend  an  army  to  those 


1085]  The  Conquests  of  Alfonso,  149 

who  could  pay  for  it.  The  Vizir  had  ah-eady  bribed 
certain  malcontents  in  Murcia  to  betray  the  city, 
while  the  Count  had  agreed  to  help  him  seize  it 
for  the  sum  of  10,000  ducats.  The  Vizir  offered  Al- 
mutamed's  son  as  security  for  the  money  ;  the  Count 
gave  his  own  son  as  a  guarantee  of  fidelity.  The 
two  started  for  Murcia  together,  but  on  the  way  the 
Count  became  suspicious  that  his  allies  had  no 
intention  of  paying  the  stipulated  sum.  He  straight- 
way turned  his  arms  against  them,  and  captured 
both  Ibn-Ammar  and  the  young  prince  Ar-rashid 
who  accompanied  him.  News  of  the  disaster  was 
brought  to  Al-mutamed  who  had  hitherto  been  kept 
in  ignorance  of  the  whole  proceeding.  A  sum  of 
30,000  ducats  was  demanded  for  the  ransom  of  the 
prince.  He  was  set  at  liberty,  and  a  disgraceful 
exhibition  of  bad  faith  on  both  sides  ended  with 
the  payment  of  this  sum  in  coinage  so  debased  that 
it  was  only  by  an  oversight  that.it  was  accepted. 

A  series  of  touching  verses  celebrated  the  recon- 
ciliation between  the  Vizir  and  the  King,  for  Al- 
mutamed's  friendship  was  strong  enough  to  stand 
still  further  shocks  before  it  turned  to  hatred.  Rein- 
stated in  his  master's  good  graces,  Ibn-Ammar  once 
more  set  to  work  to  carry  out  his  own  ambitious 
schemes.  This  time  he  took  Al-mutamed  into  his 
confidence  and,  by  greatly  exaggerating  his  own 
influence  in  Murcia,  persuaded  him  to  lend  him  an 
army.  But  he  was  not  able  to  take  the  town  at 
once  as  he  had  hoped.  He  grew  weary  of  the  siege 
and  returned  to  Seville,  leaving  the  troops  in  charge 
of  a  new  ally,  Ibn-Rashik,  the  governor  of  the  castle 


150  The  Cid.  [1082- 


of  Balj.  At  Seville  he  received  news  that  Ibn- 
Rashik's  intrigues  with  some  of  the  powerful  inhabi- 
tants of  the  city  were  successful  and  that  Murcia 
was  ready  to  submit  to  him  as  her  conqueror. 

Elated  above  measure  by  his  good  fortune,  Ibn- 
Ammar,  as  soon  as  he  quitted  Seville  on  his  way  to 
Murcia,  gave  himself  all  the  airs  of  a  king.  His  ene- 
mies speedly  informed  Al-mutamed  of  his  proceed- 
ings and  Ibn-Ammar  forthwith  received  orders  to  set 
free  the  ex-king  of  Murcia.  His  disobedience  was 
followed  by  the  escape  of  his  prisoner  to  Valencia, 
and  by  a  bitter  reproof  from  Al-mutamed.  Commu- 
nications between  poet  and  patron  were  still  carried 
on  as  of  old  in  verse.  Their  tone  grew  less  and  less 
friendly  until  a  scurrilous  poem  on  Al-mutamed's 
family,  written  by  Ibn-Ammar's  own  hand,  and  for- 
warded by  an  enemy  to  Al-mutamed  himself,  put 
an  end  to  all  hope  of  reconciliation.  Al-mutamed 
had  been  grievously  lampooned  and  insulted :  his 
most  intimate  confidence  had  been  betrayed.  His 
wife  and  children  who  had  been  ridiculed  in  the 
verses  were  now  among  those  who  most  eagerly 
sought  Ibn-Ammar's  downfall.  This  came  speedily. 
Whilst  he  gave  himself  up  entirely  to  pleasure  at 
Murcia  his  treacherous  ally,  Ibn-Rashik,  had  been 
plotting  against  him.  At  last  Ibn-Rashik  threw  off 
the  mask  and  threatened  to  hand  Ibn-Ammar  over 
to  his  injured  master. 

The  ex-vizir  fled  and  sought  protection  at  the 
Castillian  Court.  But  the  heavy  bribe  forwarded  by 
Ibn-Rashik  had  already  been  accepted,  and  Ibn-Am- 
mar fled  from  Leon  to  Saragossa.     His  energy  soon 


1085]  TJie  Conquests  of  Alfonso.  1 5 1 

procured  him  employment,  and  whilst  in  the  service 
of  Al-mutamen,  he  distinguished  himself  by  the  cap- 
ture of  a  revolted  castle.  Appearing  before  it  with 
a  small  escort  he  demanded  and  obtained  an  inter- 
view with  the  governor.  To  this  he  went  accom- 
panied by  two  faithful  servants  to  whom  he  had 
given  his  instructions.  As  their  master  gave  his 
hand  to  the  governor  they  plunged  their  knives  into 
his  body.  This  stratagem  he  attempted  to  repeat 
at  Segura  but  his  treachery  was  now  notorious,  and 
he  was  seized  and  sold  to  the  highest  bidder.  The 
purchaser  was  Al-mutamed,  who  sent  his  son  to 
bring  his  former  favourite  to  Cordova  with  all  pos- 
sible indignity.  Here  he  was  confronted  with  his 
satire  and  overwhelmed  with  insults  by  those  whom 
he  had  so  brutall}/  attacked.  He  did  not  attempt 
to  excuse  his  conduct  but  merely  begged  for  pardon. 
He  was  afterwards  removed  to  Seville  where  he 
spent  the  weary  hours  of  his  captivity  in  addressing 
verses  to  Al-mutamed  reminding  him  of  their  former 
friendship.  He  also  wrote  to  the  few  friends  still 
left  to  him,  begging  them  to  use  all  means  to  pro- 
cure his  pardon. 

This  he  seems  to  have  almost  succeeded  in  obtain- 
ing when  he  committed  the  fatal  error  of  writing  a 
letter  in  which  he  spoke  of  the  favourable  impression 
he  had  made  upon  Al-mutamed  during  an  interview 
that  had  been  granted  him,  and  boldly  announced 
his  speedy  return  to  power.  His  enemies,  to  whom 
his  pardon  meant  ruin,  at  once  took  advantage  of 
his  folly  by  bringing  his  presumptuous  conduct,  with 
many  exaggerations,  to  the  notice  of  Al-mutamed. 


152  The  Cid,  [1082- 

All  the  King's  pent  up  rancour  at  once  burst  forth. 
Seizing  a  splendid  battle-axe,  a  present  from  King 
Alfonso,  he  made  his  way  to  Ibn-Ammar's  prison 
and  burst  in.  Ibn-Ammar  knew  that  his  hour  was 
come,  but  he  fell  at  the  King's  feet,  and  kissing  them 
pleaded  for  mercy.  The  battle-axe  fell  and  AI- 
mutamed,  blind  with  fury,  hacked  the  dead  body 
until  it  lay  cold  before  him. 

With  Ibn-Ammar's  death  Al-mutamed's  prosperity 
seemed  to  come  to  an  end.  Exasperated  beyond 
measure  by  the  overbearing  conduct  of  the  Spanish 
ambassadors  who  had  come  to  collect  the  annual 
tribute,  he  caused  them  to  be  seized  and  cast  into 
prison  whilst  the  chief  commissioner,  a  Jew  who  had 
made  himself  particularly  hateful,  was  crucified. 
Alfonso's  first  care  was  to  ransom  his  captive  sub- 
jects. This  he  did  by  the  surrender  of  the  castle  of 
Almodovar.  After  this  his  vengeance  came  swift 
and  terrible.  He  burst  into  Al-mutamed's  domin- 
ions at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army,  plundering  and 
burning  as  he  went,  and  reducing  all  his  captives  to 
slavery.  After  besieging  Seville  itself,  he  passed  on 
and  wasted  the  province  of  Sidonia.  When  he  came 
to  Tarifa  he  rode  his  horse  down  into  the  sea  ex- 
claiming, "This  is  the  boundary  of  Spain  and  I  have 
touched  it."  This  took  place  in  1082  when  Toledo 
was  already  practically  in  Alfonso's  power. 

Al-mamun  his  former  friend  had  been  dead  for 
seven  years  and  had  been  succeeded  after  a  brief 
interval  by  Yahya  Al-kadir,  a  prince  of  feeble  char- 
acter, Alfonso  now  considered  himself  free  from 
any  obligation  that  had  bound  him  to  the  King  of 


1085] 


The  Conquests  of  Alfonso.  1 53 


Toledo      He  did  not,  however,  openly  attack  King 
Yahya  but  allowed  him  to  bring  about  his  own  rum. 
Ground   down   by  the    unbearable    taxes  raised  to 
support  a  profligate  court  and  to  pay  the  enormous 
tribute  that  purchased  the  so-called  protection  of   1  e 
Kincr  of  CastiUe,  and  still  further  provoked  by  the 
capricious  cruelty  and  tyranny  of  Yahya,  the  citizens 
of  Toledo   rebelled    and    called    in   a  neighbouring 
prince,  Al-mutawakkel  of  Badajoz.     Yahya,  now  a 
fugitive,  called  upon  Alfonso  to  reinstate  him  in  his 
dominions.     Alfonso  must  have  been   glad  of  this 
opportunity  for  armed  interference  but  before  grant- 
in.  Yahya's  request,  he  exacted  the  harsh  condition 
thtt  all  the  wealth  that  the  fugitive  King  had  car- 
ried away  in  his  escape  from  Toledo  should  be  given 
up  together  with  certain  important  casUes  as  secu 
rity  for  a  further  and  still  larger  sum.     This  put  the 
ex-king  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  his  protector,  and 
in  loSo  the  war  against  Toledo  began.     It  was  car- 
ried on  by  annual  incursions,   destruction  of  crops 
and  continual  harrying  of  the  territory  from  strong 
castles  within  its  borders    rather  than  by  a  regulai 
siege.     After  four  years  of  this  treatment,  Toledo 
was  forced  to  submit  and  Al-mutawakkel  retired  to 
his  own  kingdom. 

Yahya  now  became  King  again  in  name,  bu  he 
was  really  more  than  ever  the  helpless  tool  o 
Alfonso's  far-reaching  schemes  of  conquest  His 
fubiects  hated  him  and  despised  his  feeble  authority 
propped  by  Christian  arms.  Alfonso  became  dady 
Lfe'exact'ng;  his  intention  was,  f^rst,  to  ex  or  a 
the  money  he  could,  and  to  obtain  possession  of  all 


154  ^^^  ^^^'  [1082- 

the  strongholds  by  which  the  land  could  be  kept  in 
subjection,  and,  finally,  to  oblige  Yahya  to  withdraw 
from  a  position  that  would  be  worthless  even  if  ten- 
able.    In  this  he  was  thoroughly  successful. 

On  the  25th  of  May,  1085,  Alfonso  entered  Toledo 
as  its  master.  The  city  had  capitulated  on  the  fol- 
lowing terms.  That  it  should  pay  to  the  conqueror 
annually  a  fixed  sum  such  as  had  formerly  been 
raised  in  taxes  by  the  Saracen  kings.  That  the 
great  mosque  should  be  left  to  the  Moslems  together 
with  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  religion.  That 
Yahya  should  be  put  in  possession  of  the  kingdom 
of  Valencia,  to  which  he  laid  claim  on  the  ground 
that,  from  1065  to  1075,  it  had  formed  part  of  the 
dominion  of  his  predecessor  Al-mamun.  According 
to  the  Chronicles,  it  was  also  stipulated  that  Alfonso 
should  have  possession  of  the  alcazar  or  citadel  and 
the  Jiuerta  or  garden-lands  beyond  the  gate  of  Alcan- 
tara. But  little  by  little  he  established  his  throne  in 
Toledo  and  built  a  stone  wall  around  the  citadel  in 
place  of  the  mud  wall  which  had  formerly  defended 
it.  Whatever  the  conditions  were,  they  seem  to 
have  been  granted  rather  as  a  salve  to  the  wounded 
pride  of  the  citizens  than  as  a  guarantee  of  their 
good  treatment.  The  choice  to  fulfil  them  or  not 
lay  in  Alfonso's  hands  and  they  were  disregarded  as 
soon  as  opportunity  offered.* 

Two  years  after  the  conquest,  a  great  council 
was  held  in  Toledo,  and  Alfonso  resolved,  seemingly 

*  I  have  found  no  good  authority  for  the  statement  frequently- 
repeated  that  the  Cid  himself  was  the  first  Christian  governor 
{alcaide)  of  Toledo  after  its  reconquest. 


10851  The  Conquests  of  Alfonso.  155 

after  some  hesitation,  to  elect  an  archbishop  to  what 
had  formerly  been  and  now  again  became  the  metro- 
politan see  of  Spain.  His  choice  fell  upon  Ber- 
nard, Abbot  of  Sahagun,  one  of  the  numerous  French 
ecclesiastics  who,  at  the  request  of  the  French  Queen 
Constance,  had  been  sent  from  the  abbey  of  Cluny 
to  reform  the  monasteries  of  Spain.  The  Archbishop 
was  not  to  take  possession  of  his  see  until  his  ap- 
pointment should  have  received  the  sanction  of  the 
Pope  and  he  himself  should  return  from  his  conse- 
cration at  Rome  ;  moreover  it  was  thought  wise  to 
respect  for  a  time  the  susceptibilities  of  the  fanatical 
Moslems.  Such  considerations  weighed  but  little 
with  the  religious  zeal  of  the  Queen  and  Archbishop 
elect.'  During  a  temporary  absence  of  the  King,  they 
won  over  the  garrison  of  the  city,  broke  into  the 
great  mosque,  consecrated  it  and  celebrated  mass. 
Immediately  the  city  was  in  an  uproar,  messages 
were  sent  to  the  King  complaining  of  the  violation 
of  the  agreement  under  which  the  city  had  been 
surrendered.  Alarmed  for  the  safety  of  his  con- 
quest, and  vowing  vengeance  against  those  who  had 
dared  to  break  his  pledge  at  so  ill-chosen  a  moment, 
Alfonso  hastily  returned.  He  was  met  by  the  Sara- 
cens outside  the  city  and,  thinking  that  they  had 
come  to  demand  justice,  he  exclaimed  "Those  who 
have  broken  my  promise  have  injured  me,  not  you." 
When  however  he  found  that  the  deputation  had 
come  in  a  pacific  spirit,  and  could  be  satisfied  by 
guarantees  against  further  encroachment,  he  skilfully 
evaded  the  necessity  of  giving  back  to  them  their 
mosque.     His  interests  once  safe,  he  rejoiced  to  see 


156  The  Cid,  [1082- 

the  spot  where  of  old  the  Virgin  gave  her  cloak  to 
San  Ildefonso  restored  to  Christian  worship. 

Meanwhile  Yahya,  Alfonso's  feeble  dupe,  was 
making  enquiries  at  Valencia  as  to  how  his  claim  to 
the  throne  would  be  received.  His  messenger  found 
the  reigning  King  Abu-Bekr  Ibn-Abdu-1-aziz  occupied 
in  celebrating  the  marriage  of  his  daughter  with  Al- 
muktadir,  King  of  Saragossa.  Immediately  after 
this  event,  Abu-Bekr  died,  leaving  two  sons  who 
became  rival  claimants  to  the  throne.  A  third  pre- 
tender appeared  in  the  person  of  the  King  of  Sara- 
gossa. At  this  juncture  Yahya,  by  the  advice  of  his 
envoy,  appeared  before  the  gates  backed  by  a  pow- 
erful army  sent  by  Alfonso  under  the  command  of  his 
general,  Alvar  Faftez.  In  response  to  a  flattering 
message  from  Yahya,  the  chiefs  of  the  Aljama  or 
Assembly  came  out  headed  by  Ibn-Labbun  (Aben 
Lupon)  their  alcalde  or  president  and  escorted  him 
and  his  wives  to  the  royal  quarters  in  the  Alcazar. 
His  suite  were  billeted  about  the  city,  his  body-guard 
encamped  about  the  Alcazar,  while  Alvar  Faiiez  and 
his  troops  took  up  their  position  in  a  village  hard 
by. 

Yahya's  first  step  was  a  prudent  one.  He  .had 
heard  that  Ibn-Labbun,  foreseeing  the  storm  that 
was  about  to  break  over  Valencia,  was  intending  to 
withdraw  to  Murviedro  of  which  he  was  Governor. 
He  won  him  over  by  making  him  Vizir  and  promis- 
ing to  guide  his  conduct  by  his  advice.  This  se- 
cured for  him  the  possession  of  the  castles  which 
Ibn-Labbun  had  garrisoned  at  the  beginning  of  the 
troublous  times.     Presents   betokening   submission 


1085]  The  Conquests  of  Alfonso.  157 

were  sent   by  the  local  governors  to  the  new  King 
"  with  such  humility  as  Moors  know  how  to  use." 

But,  even  if  Yahya  had  been  the  most  wise  of 
monarchs,  his  position  would  have  been  untenable. 
The  security  of  his  throne  depended  on  the  presence 
of  Alvar  Fafiez  and  his  troops  ;  their  salary  was  600 
gold  pieces  daily.  In  order  to  raise  this  large  sum 
he  was  forced  to  burden  the  Valencians  with  excess- 
ive taxation.  In  vain  did  they  represent  to  him 
that  they  would  obey  him  readily  and  without  con- 
straint. Even  had  he  been  willing  to  send  away  the 
troops,  he  would  have  been  unable  to  do  so,  for  they 
were  his  masters  rather  than  his  servants.  The  law- 
less soldiers  of  the  north  were  joined  by  crowds  of 
evil-doers  and  Moslems  of  the  worst  class.  They 
lived  as  in  an  enemy's  country,  making  slaves  of  the 
inhabitants  ;  "  to  such  a  pitch  did  things  come,"  we 
are  told,**  that  the  price  of  a  Moslem  prisoner  was 
only  a  loaf,  or  a  pot  of  wine,  or  a  slice  of  fish.  Such 
as  could  not  ransom  themselves  had  their  tongues 
cut  out,  their  eyes  pierced,  and  were  given  over  to 
be  torn  by  trained  dogs."  The  tax  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  this  ferocious  crew  was  called  in  Valencia 
the  "barley  money,"  barley  being  the  chief  food  of 
the  knights*  horses.  One  chronicler  tells  how  a 
butcher's  dog  had  been  taught  to  fall  into  transports 
of  fury  at  the  words  "  Pay  up  your  barley  "  {Daca 
la  ceuadd)  while  a  minstrel  remarked  *'  Thank  God 
there  are  many  in  the  city  like  that  dog." 

At  last  the  hated  tax  failed  to  produce  the  neces- 
sary sum,  and  lands  had  to  be  given  to  the  savage 
mercenaries  as  a  substitute.     This  afforded  them  a 


158  The  Cid.  [1082- 

means  of  employing  their  superfluous  slaves,  while 
they  themselves  continued  to  plunder  the  impover- 
ished country.  Amid  all  this  misery  Yahya  had 
forsaken  the  prudent  councils  of  Ibn-Labbun,  whose 
advice  was  to  attempt  to  get  rid  of  Alvar  Fafiez  and 
his  crew  at  any  cost. 

He  had  also  embarked  upon  a  war  which,  with 
the  slender  and  uncertain  resources  at  his  command, 
could  only  bring  him  discredit.  When  the  govern- 
ors of  the  dependent  castles  had  sent  the  customary 
presents  on  the  accession  of  the  new  King,  nothing 
had  been  received  from  the  Alcaide  of  Jativa.  In 
response  to  a  summons  to  recognise  the  authority 
of  Yahya,  this  man,  whom  the  Chroniclers  call  Abe- 
ma^or,  sent  the  customary  gift  together  with  a 
message,  saying  that  he  was  unable  to  appear  at  Va- 
lencia in  person,  but  was  prepared  either  to  give  up 
the  castle  in  exchange  for  a  pension,  or  to  serve  the 
King  and  pay  the  usual  tribute.  Ibn-Labbun  had 
given  proof  of  his  usual  wisdom  by  advising  Yahya 
to  accept  this  offer,  but  the  King  distrusted  him  and 
preferred  to  be  guided  by  the  advice  of  the  sons  of 
Abu-Bekr,  his  predecessor  on  the  throne.  Marching 
out  at  the  head  of  a  large  army,  he  easily  mad^  him 
self  master  of  the  undefended  lower  town  of  Jativa, 
but  the  citadel  held  out  bravely,  and  after  four 
months  it  was  the  besiegers  who  suffered  most 
severely  from  lack  of  provisions. 

Yahya's  wrath  at  the  failure  of  his  expedition  fell 
upon  those  who  had  advised  it  ;  he  condemned  one 
of  the  wealthy  sons  of  Abu-Bekr  to  pay  the  barley- 
money  to   Alvar    Fanez  for  a   whole   month.     He 


1085]  The  Conquests  of  Alfonso.  159 

moreover  seized  a  wealthy  Jew  who  had  been  major- 
domo  to  his  predecessor,  and  confiscated  all  his  prop- 
erty. Thus  the  Valencians  found  some  temporary 
relief  from  their  burden  whilst  Yahya  still  lingered 
about  Jativa.  Meanwhile  the  brave  Alcaide  became 
convinced  that  his  stronghold  must  be  taken  unless 
speedily  reinforced.  In  his  extremity  he  sent  mes- 
sengers to  Al-mundhir  Ibn-Hud,  King  of  Lerida, 
Denia,  and  Tortosa,  offering  to  surrender  Jativa  and 
the  other  castles  in  his  power  provided  Al-mundhir 
would  save  him  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  his 
enemies.  In  the  misfortunes  of  his  neighbour  Al- 
mundhir  saw  his  opportunity  :  he  sent  straightway 
into  the  beleaguered  place  his  general  el  Ezqiiierdo 
(the  left-handed),  whilst  he  busied  himself  with  rais- 
ing a  Christian  army  for  its  relief,  and  took  into  his 
pay  Giraud  d'Alaman,  the  baron  of  Cervellon,  whom 
the  Chroniclers  call  Giralte  el  Romano.  On  the  ap- 
proach of  this  army,  Yahya  immediately  fled  ;  Al- 
mundhir  took  possession,  not  only  of  Jativa,  but  of 
all  the  land  between  it  and  Denia.  The  brave  Al- 
caide obtained  from  his  deliverer  the  honourable 
position  that  had  been  denied  him  by  his  own  over- 
lord. 

The  other  Saracen  states  were  in  no  better  case. 
In  1085  a  Castillian  army  advanced,  plundering  to 
within  a  league  of  Granada  and,  though  the  inhabit- 
ants came  out  to  meet  it,  retired  unharmed  with  its 
booty.  A  party  of  eighty  Castillians,  cut  off  by  four 
hundred  picked  soldiers  from  Almcria,  had  succeeded 
in  utterly  defeating  them.  The  district  of  Lorca  and 
Murcia  was  terrorised  by  the  garrison  of  the  fortress 


i6o 


The  Cid. 


[1082-85] 


of  Aledo,  where  Garcia  Ximenez,  a  brave  knight,  had 
established  himself  as  a  vassal  of  the  King  of  Cas- 
tille.  In  the  north  Alfonso  himself  had  vowed  to 
take  Saragossa,  and  there  is  evidence  to  shew  that 
he  actually  began  the  siege.  Whether  the  Cid  ap- 
peared in  arms  against  him  or  withdrew  for  a  time 
from  the  service  of  the  Beni  Hud  we  do  not  know. 


X 


Wt^" 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE  ALMORAVIDES   IN  SPAIN — BATTLE   OF   ZALACA. 
IO85-I086. 

DRIVEN  to  despair,  the  Saracens  of  the  south 
began  seriously  to  turn  their  thoughts  to  a 
wholesale  emigration.  Their  lives  were  made 
intolerable  by  the  exactions  whereby  their  feeble 
rulers  purchased  peace  from  the  Christians  and 
maintained  the  prodigal  expenditure  of  their  effemin- 
ate courts.  Such  troops  as  could  be  raised  dared 
no  longer  face  the  Christians  in  the  field,  even  when 
outnumbering  them  four  to  one.  Centuries  of  pros- 
perity amid  the  softening  influences  of  the  mild  cli- 
mate and  fruitful  soil  of  Andalucia  had  entirely 
changed  the  character  of  the  descendants  of  the 
hardy  sons  of  the  desert  who,  flushed  with  the  zeal 
of  their  recent  conversion,  came  with  Tarik  and  Musa. 
The  refinements  of  luxury  and  learning  had  un- 
dermined the  observance  of  the  precepts  which  made 
Islam  a  conquering  power.  A  spirit  of  free-thinking 
was  abroad,  especially  among  the  upper  classes.  The 
forbidden  juice  of  the  grape  was  freely  indulged  in, 
even  by  kings,  and  verses  were  written   in  its  praise. 

161 


1 62  The  Cid. 


[1085- 


The  religious  teachers  continued  to  thunder  against 
these  relaxations  of  primitive  severity  and  to  pro- 
phesy the  downfall  of  the  degenerate  race  ;  but  few 
heeded  enough  to  obey.  One  of  the  most  unmis- 
takable symptoms  of  the  universal  feeling  of  inse- 
curity was  the  continual  fall  in  the  price  of  land. 
Periodical  forays,  excessive  taxation,  and  the  scarc- 
ity of  labour  caused  by  constant  war,  made  cultiva- 
tion almost  impossible.  "  Set  out  for  foreign  lands, 
O  Andalusians,"  sang  the  minstrel,  '*  for  to  remain 
here  would  be  folly."  But  the  time  was  still  far 
distant  when  the  Saracens  of  Spain,  after  suffering 
intolerable  woes,  should  be  ready  to  quit  the  pleas- 
ant homes  which  their  ancestors  had  so  lightly 
won. 

It  was  evident  that  some  desperate  resolution 
must  be  taken,  and  the  eyes  of  all  Moslem  Spain 
turned  to  Africa  where  a  nation  of  their  own  creed 
was  engaged  in  a  career  of  conquest.  The  discipline 
of  the  desert  had  perfected  the  tribes  of  the  north- 
west of  Africa  in  the  virtues  of  which  they  were 
capable.  Brave,  high-spirited,  hospitable  and  sober, 
they  wandered  over  the  vast  plains  preparing  them- 
selves all  unconsciously  to  become  a  conquering  peo- 
ple and  to  rule  the  African  coastlands  from  Senegal 
to  Algiers  as  well  as  Andalus.  Their  religion  was 
a  primitive  form  of  Islam  which,  according  to  a 
cherished  tradition,  they  had  brought  with  them  from 
the  cradle  of  their  race  in  Yemen.  Cut  off  by  track- 
less wastes  from  their  brethren  they  knew  nothing 
of  the  theological  and  dynastic  disputes  that  had 
divided  the  Moslem  world  into  four  orthodox  sects. 


1086]  The  Almoravides  in  Spain.  163 

Thus  it  was  that,  at  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh 
century,  the  preaching  of  a  wandering /i^^?////  roused 
them  hke  a  war-cry  to  take  part  in  the  affairs  of  the 
larger  world  of  which  they  knew  so  little.  A  few 
victories  over  the  hardy  heathen  mountaineers,  their 
neighbours,  convinced  them  of  their  strength  and 
sent  them  forth  to  conquer  far  and  wide.  Professing 
Islam  in  its  greatest  strictness  they  called  themselves 
Al-murabatin  (Devotees),  a  name  altered  by  the 
Spaniards  to  Almoravides. 

Their  king  died  in  battle  but  his  brother  led  their 
victorious  arms  still  further.  The  warlike  missionary 
was  murdered,  but  before  his  death  he  saw  his  dis- 
ciples masters  of  a  wide  kingdom.  The  fame  of 
their  arms  brought  crowds  to  their  banner,  and  in 
1070  they  founded  the  city  of  Morocco.  Shortly 
after  this  date  a  revolution  placed  the  kingly  power 
in  the  hands  of  Yusuf  Ibn-Tashefin,  a  bold  and  am- 
bitious warrior  and  statesman.  He  at  once  set  to 
work  to  organise  and  extend  the  conquests  of  his 
predecessors  and  to  weld  the  scattered  provinces 
into  a  powerful  empire.  His  conquest  of  Ceuta  in 
1084  brought  him  face  to  face  with  the  Spanish 
problem,  a  problem  to  which  no  good  Moslem  could 
be  indifferent,  least  of  all  he  who  called  himself  Com- 
mander of  the  Faithful  {ajnirii-l-jnusleinin). 

In  Yusuf  Ibn-Tashefin  the  Arabic  historians  have 
delighted  to  sum  up  their  ideal  of  a  prince.  He  is 
described  by  them  as  of  dark  complexion,  regular 
features  and  middle  height,  wiry  of  body,  and  pos- 
sessing a  sweetly  modulated  voice.  His  eyes  were 
large  and  brilliant,  his  eyebrows  bushy,  he  wore  a 


164  TJie  Ctd,  [1085- 

silky  beard  and  curling  moustache.  Prudent  in  peace 
and  bold  in  war,  he  was  grave  in  manner,  liberal  and 
kindly  to  his  adherents  but  simple  and  austere  in  his 
personal  habits.  His  dress  was  of  wool,  and  his  food 
the  flesh  of  camels  or  other  rough  meat  to  the  quality 
of  which  he  was  wholly  indifferent.  Though  he 
limited  his  taxation  of  his  subjects  to  the  very 
moderate  amount  prescribed  by  the  Koran,  he  had 
nevertheless,  thanks  to  his  sobriety,  an  immense 
treasure  at  his  disposal.  He  was  a  rigid  supporter 
of  orthodoxy  and  ever  guided  his  conduct  by  the 
advice  of  th.Q  faquihs  and  other  ministers  of  religion. 
His  whole  character  and  career  contrast  strongly 
with  that  of  Al-mutamed,  King  of  Seville,  with 
whom,  even  before  his  interference  in  Spanish  affairs, 
he  had  been  in  communication  and  of  whose  fate  he 
was  about  to  become  the  arbiter. 

Only  fear  had  prevented  the  appeal  to  the  Al- 
moravides  being  made  earlier.  The  cultured  Anda- 
lusians  dreaded  at  the  same  time  as  they  despised 
their  wild  brethren  of  the  desert  ;  they  foresaw  that 
from  allies  they  might  easily  become  masters.  *'  They 
were  well  aware,"  says  an  Arabic  writer,  "■  of  the  in- 
trepidity of  Yusuf's  followers,  the  wearers  of  the.. veil, 
and  of  the  sheiks  of  the  tribe  of  Senhajah  ;  and  they 
dreaded  their  dexterity  in  wielding  all  the  weapons 
of  war,  from  the  sharp-edged  sword  which,  handled 
by  them,  cuts  a  horseman  in  twain,  to  the  ponderous 
lance  which  goes  both  through  horse  and  rider." 
But  the  general  opinion  had  been  expressed  by  Al- 
mutamed,  King  of  Seville,  while  talking  the  matter 
over  with  his  son.     The  only  answer  he  could  find 


1086]  The  Almoravides  in  Spain.  165 

to  the  prince's  representations  of  the  danger  of  plac- 
ing Andalus  in  the  power  of  the  Africans  was,  *'  All 
this  is  true,  but  I  would  not  that  generations  to 
come  should  blame  me  as  him  by  whose  means  An- 
dalus became  the  prey  of  unbelievers.  I  would  not 
that  my  name  should  be  cursed  from  every  Moslem 
pulpit.  I  would  rather  be  a  camel-driver  in  Africa 
than  a  swine-herd  in  Castille." 

Al-mutamed  it  v/as  who  summoned  the  Almora- 
vides to  Spain  and  who  was  by  them  brought  down 
to  a  position  little  better  than  that  of  a  camel-driver. 
In  the  negotiations  that  brought  about  their  ruin 
the  Saracen  princes  for  once  acted  in  concert.  Al- 
mutamed  communicated  his  design  to  the  Kings  of 
Badajoz  and  Granada.  The  government  of  Cordova 
also  took  part  in  a  conference  of  ambassadors  held  at 
Seville.  Representatives  of  all  the  interested  states 
were  sent  to  Africa  to  lay  before  Yusuf  a  petition  for 
help  signed  by  thirteen  princes.  At  the  same  time  the 
Almoravide  King  was  requested  to  swear  that  he 
would  not  deprive  his  suppliants  of  their  kingdoms. 
Other  considerations  were  added  of  which  we  do  not 
know  the  nature.  The  ambassadors  on  their  arrival 
in  Africa  were  somewhat  coldly  received.  Still  their 
request  was  entertained  and  the  discussion  turned 
upon  the  port  at  which  the  African  army  should 
disembark.  The  Andalusians  proposed  Gibraltar, 
but  Yusuf  let  it  be  known  that  he  preferred  Alge- 
ciras  and  that  he  should  require  the  port  to  be  ceded 
to  him  to  form  a  base  for  subsequent  operations. 
When  Ibn-Zaidun,  the  Vizir  of  King  Al-mutamed, 
represented  that  he  had  no  power  to  conclude  such 


1 66  The  Cid,  [1085~ 

an  arrangement  the  ambassadors  were  dismissed 
without  definite  answer. 

Yusuf's  indifferent  attitude  was,  in  part  at  least, 
assumed.  He  was  more  flattered  and  elated  with 
the  prospect  of  further  conquest  than  he  had  chosen 
to  show.  According  to  his  usual  habit  on  all  occa- 
sions of  importance,  he  consulted  \X\&  faqiiiJi  s  court, 
and  was  informed  that  in  this  matter  his  duty  lay 
in  the  same  direction  as  his  inclination.  He  was 
bidden  go  forth  to  the  rescue  of  Islam  across  the 
sea.  If  he  needed  Algeciras  for  the  fulfilment  of  so 
pious  a  design,  he  would  be  within  his  right  in  seizing 
it.  The  permission  to  do  so  was  conveyed  to  him 
in  A  fetwa^  or  award  of  the  supreme  religious  tribunal. 
Even  in  Andalusia  itself  the  leaders  of  the  religious 
party  looked  with  great  favour  upon  the  Almora- 
vides.  In  vain  for  years  had  they  protested  against 
the  loose  and  unorthodox  lives  of  their  countrymen. 
They  now  looked  for  better  days,  under  the  rule  of  a 
prince  who  was  famed  for  his  strictness,  and  for  the 
generous  protection  he  accorded  to  religion  and  its 
ministers. 

A  fleet  of  a  hundred  ships,  bearing  a  powerful 
army,  started  from  Ceuta, — the  most  recent  of"  the 
conquests  of  the  Almoravides, — and  suddenly  ap- 
peared before  Algeciras,  where  Ar-radhi,  one  of  the 
sons  of  Al-mutamed,  was  governor.  A  carrier-pigeon, 
bearing  the  news  to  his  father,  was  at  once  sent  off  by 
the  young  prince.  Pending  the  arrival  of  an  answer, 
he  took  such  measures  as  lay  in  his  power  for  the 
safety  of  the  country.  He  kept  up  friendly  appear- 
ances towards  the  Almoravides,  and  supplied  them 


1086]  The  Almoravides  in  Spain.  167 

with  the  food  they  demanded.  Now  that  the  die 
was  cast,  Al-mutamed  put  the  best  face  he  could  on 
the  matter.  Algeciras  was  abandoned  to  the  new- 
comers, and  Ar-radhi  retired  on  Ronda.  Shortly 
afterwards  fresh  detachments  of  Almoravides  ap- 
peared off  the  coast ;  and  finally  Yusuf  himself  landed 
in  Spain,  garrisoned  Algeciras  as  his  base  of  opera- 
tions, and  began  to  fortify  further  positions.  Then 
he  set  out,  accompanied  by  a  strong  force,  for  Seville. 
Al-mutamed  and  his  Court  came  out  to  meet  him, 
bearing  a  present  so  rich,  that  each  fierce  Almoravide 
soldier  received  his  share,  and  was  convinced  that 
the  land  to  which  he  had  come  was  indeed  a  good 
land.  The  meeting  between  the  two  Kings  was 
cordial,  at  least  in  appearance,  and  Yusuf  created  a 
favourable  impression  by  refusing  to  let  Al-mutamed 
humble  himself  before  him.  Near  Seville  the  army 
was  met  by  the  Emirs  of  Granada  and  Malaga.  The 
troops  of  Al-mutawakkel  of  Badajoz  shortly  after- 
wards joined  their  standards,  and  the  whole  army 
set  out  towards  Toledo. 

The  arrival  of  the  Almoravides  had  caused  Al- 
fonso to  raise  the  siege  of  Saragossa.  Supposing 
that  the  besieged  were  unaware  of  the  danger  which 
called  him  from  their  walls,  Alfonso  demanded  a 
large  fine  for  the  withdrawal  of  his  army.  In  this 
way  he  had  often  filled  his  treasury,  but  this  time 
Al-mustain  was  unwilling  to  pay  for  what  he  could 
get  for  nothing.  He  understood  why  Alfonso  was 
in  such  a  hurry  to  be  gone,  and  refused  his  demand. 
On  reaching  Toledo,  Alfonso  collected  the  largest 
army  he  could,  calling  in  Alvar  Fafiez  from  Valencia, 


1 68  The  Cid. 


[1085- 


and  enlisting  a  large  number  of  French"  knights. 
Then  he  set  out  for  the  south  to  meet  his  enemy, 
much  as  Roderick  the  Goth  had  set  out,  nearly  four 
centuries  before,  to  meet  a  similar  foe.  The  armies 
met  near  Badajoz,  at  a  place  called  Zalaca,  or,  in 
Latin,  Sacralias.  When  the  two  camps  were  pitched 
in  sight  of  each  other,  Alfonso  received  a  letter  from 
Yusuf,  offering  him  the  alternatives  prescribed  by 
the  Prophet,  Islam,  tribute,  or  the  sword.  Alfonso 
returned  a  dignified  reply,  in  which  he  stated, 
that,  as  the  Moslems  had  been  for  many  years  his 
tributaries,  he  was  surprised  at  their  insolent  pro- 
posal :  he  relied  on  his  army  to  give  the  proper 
answer.  A  third  letter  was  being  written  by  the 
Almoravide's  secretary,  when  Yusuf,  impatient  at  its 
long  formal  phrases,  hastened  the  business  by  send- 
ing back  Alfonso's  letter,  bearing  on  the  back  the 
significant  words,  "  What  will  happen,  you  will  see." 
This  took  place  on  a  Thursday  (October  22,  io86)  ; 
and   the   next  step  was  to  fix  a  day  for  the  battle 


*  Alfonso's  marked  preference  for  foreigners  is  pointed  out  by- 
Padre  Fidel  Fita  in  the  B olefin  de  la  R.  A.  de  la  Historia,  vol.  xxiv., 
No.  iv.:  "  His  greatest  claim  to  glory  is  the  care  which  he  took  to 
attract  from  the  other  side  of  the  Pyrenees  people  of  all  classes^who 
changed  their  native  land  for  ours.  ,  .  .  Almost  all  the  living 
forces  of  the  Spanish-Semitic  civilization,  both  Hebrew  and  Moslem, 
driven  out  by  the  Almoravides,  found  shelter  under  the  imperial 
mantle  of  Alfonso.  The  highest  honours  of  the  Church  and  Court 
devolved  upon  foreigners  such  as  the  sons-in-law  of  the  king  and  the 
bishops  of  Toledo  and  Braga.  There  was  no  city  without  its  '  Street 
of  the  Franks'  and  some  towns  there  were,  like  Ilescas,  and  cities 
like  Varcos  .  .  .  where  the  right  of  settlement  and  lots  of  agri- 
cultural ground  were  conceded  only  to  natives  of  Gascony,  or  those 
who  traced  their  descent  to  that  country." 


SPAIN 
fi-om   the    Fall  of  Llie 

DYNASTY    OFTHE  UMMEYAHS 
to  tKe 

Battle  of  Zalaca  Tioos). 


J.  HYATT,  St 


SPAIN 

fiom   llie    t-all  ot   llie 

DYNASTY    OFTHE  UMMEYAHS 

to  tK,. 

BatUelofiZalaca  'inos) 


1086]  Battle  of  Zalaca,  169 

according  to  the  custom,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  was 
observed  even  in  fratricidal  wars,  and  which  seems 
to  have  been  recognised  by  the  semi-barbarous 
Almoravides.  The  first  proposal  came  from  the 
Christians.  ''  To-morrow,"  said  their  messenger,  "  is 
Friday,  your  holy-day:  Sunday  is  ours:  let  us  fight 
on  Saturday."  This  arrangement  was  agreed  to, 
and  both  sides  made  ready  for  a  contest  on  which 
such  mighty  issues  depended. 

The  advantage  seemed  to  lie  with  the  Christians, 
who  were  nearly  three  times  as  numerous  as  their 
adversaries.  Moreover,  a  large  part  of  Yusuf's  army 
was  made  up  of  Andalusians,  men  who  were  accus- 
tomed to  be  worsted  in  almost  every  encounter  with 
the  hardier  Christians.*  Al-mutamed,  who  was  to 
lead  the  Sevillians  in  the  van,  was  full  of  anxiety. 
Fearing  surprise,  he  caused  the  movements  of  the 
enemy  to  be  closely  watched  by  light  cavalry,  whilst 
he  consulted  the  diviners  and  soothsayers,  in  whose 
predictions  he   placed  much  faith.     On  the  Friday 


*  Very  little  is  known  of  the  methods  of  fighting  in  use  among 
the  Saracens  of  Spain.  An  interesting  passage  from  a  late  Arabic 
author  is  quoted  by  P.  de  Gayangos  in  his  edition  of  Al-makkari. 
Speaking  of  the  Saracens  of  Granada,  he  says,  "  Their  dress  and  ac- 
coutrements in  ancient  times  were  similar  to  those  of  their  neighbours 
and  foes  among  the  Franks  (Catalonians)  ;  they  were  clad  in  com- 
plete mail,  they  wore  the  shield  slung  at  the  back,  steel  helmets, 
huge  spears  with  broad  ends  and  saddles  rudely  constructed  and  pro- 
jecting very  much  in  front  and  behind.  The  riders  rode  with  pennons 
fluttering  behind  them,  each  man  in  his  rank  being  known  by  his  arms 
or  some  other  distinction  about  his  person.  However,  in  our  days 
men  have  left  off  these  customs  and,  returning  to  their  own  practices, 
they  have  taken  to  short  and  slender  breast-plates,  light  head-pieces, 
the  Arabian  saddle,  leather  bucklers  and  long  and  slender  spears." 


1086] 


Battle  of  Zalaca,  1 69 


according  to  the  custom,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  was 
observed  even  in  fratricidal  wars,  and  which  seems 
to  have  been  recognised  by  the  semi-barbarous 
Almoravides.  The  first  proposal  came  from  the 
Christians.  "  To-morrow,"  said  their  messenger,  "  is 
Friday,  your  holy-day:  Sunday  is  ours:  let  us  fight 
on  Saturday."  This  arrangement  was  agreed  to, 
and  both  sides  made  ready  for  a  contest  on  which 
such  mighty  issues  depended. 

The  advantage  seemed  to  lie  with  the  Christians, 
who  were  nearly  three  times  as  numerous  as  their 
adversaries.  Moreover,  a  large  part  of  Yusuf's  army 
was  made  up  of  Andalusians,  men  who  were  accus- 
tomed to  be  worsted  in  almost  every  encounter  with 
the  hardier  Christians.*  Al-mutamed,  who  was  to 
lead  the  Sevillians  in  the  van,  was  full  of  anxiety. 
Fearing  surprise,  he  caused  the  movements  of  the 
enemy  to  be  closely  watched  by  light  cavalry,  whilst 
he  consulted  the  diviners  and  soothsayers,  in  whose 
predictions  he   placed  much  faith.     On  the  Friday 

*  Very  little  is  known  of  the  methods  of  fighting  in  use  among 
the  Saracens  of  Spain.  An  interesting  passage  from  a  late  Arabic 
author  is  quoted  by  P.  de  Gayangos  in  his  edition  of  Al-makkari. 
Speaking  of  the  Saracens  of  Granada,  he  says,  "  Their  dress  and  ac- 
coutrements in  ancient  times  were  similar  to  those  of  their  neighbours 
and  foes  among  the  Franks  (Catalonians)  ;  they  were  clad  in  com- 
plete mail,  they  wore  the  shield  slung  at  the  back,  steel  helmets, 
huge  spears  with  broad  ends  and  saddles  rudely  constructed  and  pro- 
jecting very  much  in  front  and  behind.  The  riders  rode  with  pennons 
fluttering  behind  them,  each  man  in  his  rank  being  known  by  his  arms 
or  some  other  distinction  about  his  person.  However,  in  our  days 
men  have  left  off  these  customs  and,  returning  to  their  own  practices, 
they  have  taken  to  short  and  slender  breast-plates,  light  head-pieces, 
the  Arabian  saddle,  leather  bucklers  and  long  and  slender  spears." 


170  The  Cid, 


[1085- 


morning  Al-mutamed  was  informed  that  the  Chris- 
tians, whose  message  had  been  meant  only  to  mislead 
their  foe,  were  moving  towards  his  position.  He  at 
once  sent  word  to  Yusuf,  who  was  encamped  on  the 
hills  in  his  rear,  warning  him  of  the  danger,  and  beg- 
ging to  be  supported.  But  Yusuf  merely  replied, 
''  What  does  it  matter  to  me  that  those  folk  be  slain  ? 
They  are  all  enemies."  Being  thus  seemingly  aban- 
doned by  their  allies,  the  greater  part  of  the  Andalu- 
sians  at  once  fled  ;  but  Al-mutamed,  though  wounded 
in  the  face  and  hand,  still  fought  bravely,  surrounded 
by  a  chosen  band  of  Sevillians.  He  was  aware  that 
the  whole  of  his  fortunes  depended  upon  this  one 
fight,  and  he  was  determined  to  conquer  or  to  die. 
Nevertheless  his  men  were  just  on  the  point  of  giv- 
ing way,  when  suddenly  the  Christian  army  wheeled 
about  and  left  him.  Whilst  it  had  been  engaged 
with  Al-mutamed,  Yusuf  had  turned  its  flank,  slaying 
those  who  had  been  left  to  guard  the  camp  in  its  rear, 
and  firing  the  tents.  Thus  assailed,  in  a  direction 
from  which  he  had  expected  no  danger,  by  a  force 
superior  to  that  which  lay  in  front  of  him,  Alfonso 
executed  a  manoeuvre  considered  well-nigh  impossi- 
ble on  the  field  of  battle.  He  faced  about  the  whole 
of  his  army,  and  fell  upon  the  already  victorious  Al- 
moravides.  Again  and  again  the  camp  of  the  Chris- 
tians was  taken  and  retaken,  and  the  final  issue  of 
the  battle  was  still  doubtful,  when  the  Andalusians 
who  had  fled  at  the  first  shock,  rallied  to  Al-mu- 
tamed's  standard,  and  attacked  the  Christians  in  what 
was  now  their  rear.  Meanwhile  Yusuf  let  loose  on 
their  front  the  picked  men  of  his  negro  guard,  which 


1086] 


Battle  of  Zalaca .  171 


he  had  hitherto  held  in  reserve.  This  decided  the 
fortunes  of  the  day.  Alfonso  himself  was  wounded 
in  the  thigh  with  a  dagger  by  a  negro  who  had  con- 
trived to  make  his  way  to  him  through  the  strug- 
gling ranks.  At  nightfall  he  fled  from  the  field,  leaving 
the  flower  of  his  knights  either  dead  or  dying.  Ac- 
companied by  five  hundred  horsemen,  he  made  his 
way  to  Coria,  and  afterwards  to  Toledo. 

The  Christian  power  seemed  well-nigh  crushed  by 
this  defeat.  Their  losses  in  killed  and  wounded 
were  estimated  as  high  as  twenty  thousand  men. 
Saragossa  and  Valencia,  which  but  a  few  days  earlier 
were  apparently  on  the  point  of  faUing  into  their 
hands,  were  now  considered  free  from  immediate 
danger.  The  Moors  of  the  south  at  once  renounced 
their  obligation  of  paying  tribute  ;  confidence  was 
everywhere  restored  ;  and  thus,  after  a  long  series  of 
defeats,  one  brilliant  success  had  gone  far  to  bind 
together  in  a  common  enthusiasm  the  conflicting 
elements  of  the  cause  of  Islam  in  Spain.  Yusuf  was 
now  seemingly  free  to  complete  the  conquest  of  the 
country  at  his  leisure,  as  Tarik  and  Musa  had  done 
after  the  battle  of  Guadalete  ;  but  he  failed  to  make 
use  of  his  opportunity.  He  was  recalled  to  Africa 
by  the  news  of  the  death  of  a  son  whom  he  had  left 
ill  at  Ceuta,  and  contented  himself  with  leaving  be- 
hind him  in  Spain  a  force  of  three  thousand  men  to 
aid  Al-mutamed  in  securing  the  many  fortresses  that 
had  been  abandoned  by  the  Christians  after  their 
great  defeat. 


^l^LJl^^l^^B)^ 


Mi^^Mk^^^^^MMM^^ 


CHAPTER  VIIL 

RECONCILIATION     BETWEEN     THE     CID     AND     KING 

ALFONSO  ;   YUSUF'S   RETURN   TO    SPAIN  ;   THE 

CID   AGAIN   OUTLAWED. 

IO86-IO92. 

SHORTLY  after  the  battle  of  Zalaca,  and  proba- 
bly owing  to  the  common  danger  in  which 
both  were  involved,  a  reconciliation  took  place 
between  Alfonso  and  the  Cid.  The  King  was  aware 
how  all-important  to  him  at  such  a  crisis  w^ere  the 
services  of  his  turbulent  vassal,  and  he  tried  to  bind 
him  to  himself  by  bestowing  on  him  unusual  marks 
of  favour.  He  made  him  guardian  of  the  eastern 
frontier  of  his  dominions,  with  command  of  the  im- 
portant castles  of  Duefias,  Ibias,  Gormaz,  Briviesca, 
and  others.  More  than  this,  he  gave  him  a  charter 
granting  to  himself  and  on  his  descendants  ^the 
freehold  of  all  the  lands  he  should  w^in  from  the 
Saracens.  Both  Alfonso  and  the  Cid  then  busied 
themselves  with  preparations  for  the  struggle  which 
was  still  to  come  ;  and  so  successful  were  their  la- 
bours, that  by  the  following  spring  each  was  pre- 
pared to  take  the  field  with  a  powerful  army,  and  to 
attempt  to  make  good  the  disaster  of  Zalaca. 

172 


[1086-92] 


Reconciltaiion.  1 7Z 


Al-mutamed  and  his  Almoravide  force  spent  the 
winter  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Lorca  and  Murcia. 
His  object  was  threefold.  He  wished  to  get  posses- 
sion of  Lorca,  the  Alcaide  of  which  had  offered  to 
recognise  his  suzerainty  if  assured  of  protection 
against  the  Christians.  He  wished  to  win  back 
Murcia,  and  at  the  same  time  to  take  vengeance  on 
Ibn-Rashik,  who  had  treacherously  wrested  it  from 
Ibn-Ammar.  Above  all,  he  was  anxious  to  take  and 
destroy  the  strong  castle  of  Aledo,  situated  between 
Murcia  and  Lorca,  and  held  by  a  Christian  garrison 
which  harassed  and  terrorized  the  whole  district. 

The  opening  of  the  campaign  was  disastrous. 
When  Al-mutamed  arrived  at  Lorca,  he  heard  that  a 
small  party  of  about  three  hundred  Christians  was 
encamped  in  his  neighbourhood.  He  immediately 
prepared  a  force  ten  times  its  number  for  the  pur- 
pose of  crushing  it,  and  offered  the  command  to  his 
son,  who  had  formerly  been  governor  of  Algeciras. 
Ar-radhi,  who  had  no  taste  for  military  affairs,  irri- 
tated his  father  by  refusing  the  leadership,  and  a 
substitute  was  found  in  the  person  of  his  brother 
Al-mutaid.  The  three  thousand  Sevillians  were 
utterly  routed  by  the  little  force  which  they  had 
confidently  expected  to  capture  or  slay,  and  again 
the  unreliable  nature  of  Andalusian  troops  in  the 
field  was  proved. 

The  whole  expedition  broke  up  without  reaching 
Aledo.  Al-mutamed's  intention  had  been  first  to 
reduce  Murcia,  but  the  wily  Ibn-Rashik  had  con- 
trived to  win  over  the  Almoravides  to  his  cause ;  and 
Al-mutamed  would  not  have  dared  to  act  contrary 


174  ^-^^^  ^^*^-  [1086- 

to  their  wishes,  even  had  he  not  felt  himself  power- 
less without  their  aid.  He  returned  discomfited  to 
Seville ;  and  once  more  ambassadors  were  sent  to 
Yusuf  by  the  allied  Saracen  states,  calling  on  him  to 
help  to  free  them  from  the  annoyance  and  danger 
of  Aledo,  and  from  the  exactions  of  the  Cid,  who  was 
again  becoming  powerful. 

By  the  spring  of  1088  the  Cid  was  ready  to  carry 
the  war  into  the  enemy's  country.  Seven  thousand 
men,  attracted  by  his  past  successes,  had  joined  his 
banner.  He  crossed  the  upper  waters  of  the  Duero, 
and  made  his  way  southw^ard  to  Fresno  and  Cala- 
mocha.  Whilst  celebrating  Whitsuntide  at  the  lat- 
ter place,  he  had  an  interview  with  Abu-Merwan 
Abdu-1-malek,  the  Emir  of  Albarracin,  who  feared 
his  power,  and  was  anxious  to  secure  his  friendship. 
A  treaty  was  concluded  between  the  two  by  w^iich 
Albarracin  was  promised  protection  at  the  price  of 
an  annual  tribute.  Finding  that  the  power  of  his 
name  had  not  waned,  the  Cid  made  a  secret  alliance 
with  his  former  friend  and  employer,  Al-mustain  of 
Saragossa.  It  was  agreed  that  the  two  should  co- 
operate to  take  Valencia,  and  that,  in  the  event  of 
success,  the  Cid  should  have  all  the  booty,  whilst  the 
city  should  belong  to  Al-mustain. 

The  respite  granted  to  the  unhappy  city  by  the 
withdrawal  of  Alvar  Fanez  and  his  troops  had  in- 
deed been  short.  Yahya's  w^eakness  was  well  known, 
and  the  city  formed  a  tempting  and  apparently  easy 
prey  to  any  who  would  take  it.  The  first  to  try  was 
Al-mundhir,  King  of  Denia,  Lerida,  and  Tortosa, 
and  uncle  of  Al-mustain.     His  plans  would  probably 


1092]  Reconciliation.  1 75 

have  been  successful  had  it  not  been  for  interven- 
tion from  without.  In  addition  to  his  own  army,  he 
took  into  his  pay  a  large  force  of  Catalans  under  the 
leadership  of  the  Count  of  Barcelona.  Marching 
himself  with  the  main  body  of  his  army,  Al-mundhir 
sent  on  in  front  one  of  his  uncles  with  a  smaller 
force.  It  was  arranged  that  the  two  should  meet 
before  Valencia  on  a  stated  day.  The  smaller  force 
was  the  first  to  'arrive.  Relying  on  powerful  sup- 
port promised  within  the  city,  it  defeated  and  drove 
back  the  troops  that  Yahya  had  sent  out  to  meet  it. 
This  news  reached  Al-mundhir  when  he  was  still  a 
day's  journey  distant  from  Valencia.  A  rapid  march 
brought  him  under  the  walls,  and  the  place  was 
straitly  invested.  Driven  to  despair  by  the  hatred 
and  scarcely  concealed  treachery  of  his  subjects,  and 
by  the  presence  of  a  powerful  enemy  without,  Yahya 
was  disposed  to  surrender  at  once.  He  was,  however, 
persuaded  by  Ibn-Tahir,  the  ex-King  of  Murcia,  who 
lived  in  exile  at  his  court,  to  hold  out  a  little  longer, 
and  to  send  ambassadors  to  Alfonso  of  Castilleand  to 
Al-mustain  of  Saragossa,  praying  for  immediate  help. 
It  was  at  this  critical  moment  that  Al-mustain  con- 
cluded his  alliance  with  the  Cid.  He  had  inherited 
from  his  father  a  rooted  hatred  against  his  uncle  Al- 
mundhir.  The  Valencian  party  that  favoured  his 
designs  seemed  a  powerful  one  ;  and  he  had  already 
received  assurances  from  the  general  Ibn-Labbun, 
whose  brother  commanded  at  Segorbe,  that  Valen- 
cia would  open  its  gates,  and  that  Segorbe  would 
be  given  up  to  him.  Thinking  to  ensure  success  by 
putting  the   defenders   off   their  guard,   Al-mustain 


1 76  The  Cid  ti086- 

wrote,  in  reply  to  Yahya's  petition,  that  he  was  com- 
ing immediately  to  his  help.  But  in  his  impatience 
to  gain  possession  of  the  prey  he  had  so  long  cov- 
eted, Al-mustain  imprudently  put  himself  in  the 
power  of  the  cunning  Cid.  He  set  out  on  his  march 
with  only  four  hundred  horse,  while  the  Cid  ac- 
companied him  with  an  army  of  three  thousand. 
Warned  of  their  arrival,  Al-mundhir  hastened  to  make 
peace  with  Yahya,  on  the  condition  that  Valencia 
should  not  be  surrendered  to  Al-mustain.  He  then 
hastily  withdrew  to  his  own  dominions  to  await  a 
more  favourable  opportunity  for  the  completion  of 
his  conquest.  The  Count  of  Barcelona  also  had 
reasons  for  dreading  the  Cid,  and  prepared  to  retire. 
Meanwhile  the  Cid,  accompanied  by  Al-mustain  and 
his  ridiculously  small  force,  moved  forward  to  Va- 
lencia. Here  Al-mustain's  eyes  were  suddenly 
opened  to  the  danger  of  the  position  into  which  he 
had  rashly  thrust  himself.  Not  only  was  the  prom- 
ise of  the  surrender  of  Segorbe  unfulfilled,  but  the 
Cid  accepted  a  bribe  from  Yahya,  and  declared,  at  the 
moment  when  success  seemed  assured,  that  Valencia 
could  not  be  attacked  without  infringement  of  the 
rights  of  Alfonso  of  Castille,  to  whom  it  nominally 
belonged. 

Powerless  to  avenge  himself  on  his  so-called  ally, 
Al-mustain  withdrew  in  dudgeon  to  his  own  domin- 
ions, leaving  behind  him  a  small  body  of  troops  to 
watch  events  and  to  encourage  his  partisans  within 
the  city.  Before  leaving,  he  persuaded  the  Cid,  with 
whom  he  was  outwardly  still  on  good  terms,  to  be- 
siege Jerica  in  order  to  punish  Ibn-Labbun,  the  gov- 


1092] 


Reconciliation.  i77 


ernor  of  Murviedro,  to  whom  it  belonged,  for  his 
bad  faith  in  the  matter  of  the  surrender  of  Segorbe. 
But  this  enterprise  was  unsuccessful.  Ibn-Labbun, 
seeing  his  danger,  called  in  Al-mundhir,  and  surren- 
dered Murviedro  to  him.  The  Cid  had  now  reason 
to  fear  that  Valencia  might  fall  into  Al-mundhir's 
hands;  for  Valencia  lies  in  an  open  plain,  and  Mur- 
viedro commands  the  principal  pass  that  gives  access 
to  it  from  the  north.  The  readiest  means  to  prevent 
this  was  by  breaking  up  the  coalition  of  his  many 
enemies.  This  he  efTected  by  entangling  them  in  a 
network  of  secret  alliances  and  agreements,  playing 
the  while  upon  their  mutual  jealousies,  and  artfully 
convincing  each  that  he  could,  in  case  of  need,  rely 
on  the  Cid's  help.  He  advised  Yahya  not  to  sur- 
render the  city  on  any  condition.  He  persuaded 
Al-mundhir  that  he  was  at  heart  his  friend,  and  fa- 
voured his  schemes.  He  signified  to  Al-mustain  his 
willingness  to  carry  out  their  original  plan, — a  plan 
the  failure  of  which  was  entirely  due  to  his  own  bad 
faith.*     To  Alfonso  the  Cid  wrote   that   he   recog- 


*  It  is  in  this  connexion  that  the  Cid  is  mentioned  by  his  contem- 
porary, the  Arabic  historian  Ibn-Bessan.  "  When  Al-mustain  .  .  . 
perceived  that  the  soldiers  of  the  Emir  of  the  Mussulmans  were  pour- 
ing out  of  every  ravine,  he  hounded  on  to  them  a  dog  of  Galicia  called 
Rodrigo,  and  surnamed  the  Campeador.  This  man  was  the  scourge 
of  the  country.  The  Beni-Hud  had  brought  him  out  of  his  obscur- 
ity. .  .  .  His  power  had  thus  become  very  great,  and  there  was  no 
district  in  Spain  that  he  had  not  plundered.  When  then  this  Ahmed 
(Al-mustain)  of  the  family  of  the  Beni-Hud  feared  for  his  dynasty 
.  .  .  he  wished  to  place  the  Campeador  betwixt  himself  and  the 
first  rank  of  the  army  of  the  Emir  of  the  Mussulmans.  Therefore  he 
furnished  him  with  an  opportunity  of  entering  the  territory  of  Valen- 
cia and  gave  him  money  and  troops." 


1/8  The  Cid.  [1086- 

nised  his  sovereignty,  and  hoped  soon  to  put  him  in 
possession  of  the  whole  of  the  north-east  of  Spain. 
At  the  same  time  he  pointed  out  the  services  he  was 
rendering  to  Christendom,  and  to  Castille  in  partic- 
ular, by  maintaining  an  army  without  cost  to  the  Gov- 
ernment, thus  preventing  coalition,  and  keeping  part 
of  the  Saracen  forces  fully  employed,  whilst  the  King 
was  free  to  follow  out  his  schemes  elsewhere. 

Having  thus  cast  dust  in  the  eyes  of  his  enemies, 
the  Cid  set  out  to  foray  for  food  [porqiic  oviesc  que 
comer).  On  hearing  that  Alfonso  had  received  his 
explanations  favourably,  he  returned  to  Castille.  He 
was  honourably  received,  and  the  possession  of  his 
conquests  was  confirmed  to  himself  and  his  descend- 
ants. But  no  real  cordiality  existed  between  the 
two,  and  Alfonso  scrupled  as  little  as  the  Cid  him- 
self to  break  his  promise,  when  he  saw  that  any 
advantage  was  to  be  gained  by  so  doing. 

When  the  Cid  returned  from  his  journey  to  Cas- 
tille, he  found  that  the  aspect  of  affairs  had  changed. 
Al-mustain,  his  former  paymaster,  had  learned  to 
distrust  his  promises,  and,  thinking  to  win  Valencia 
without  his  aid,  had  made  an  alliance  with  the  Cid's 
old  enemy  Berenger,  Count  of  Barcelona.  The  two 
were  now  vigorously  prosecuting  their  schemes 
against  the  city.  They  had  already  constructed  two 
bastidas,  or  fortified  camps,  one  of  which  was  at  Liria, 
on  the  edge  of  the  plain, — a  fortress  which  Yahya  had 
handed  over  to  Al-mustain  as  a  pledge  of  good  faith 
when  he  marched  with  the  Cid  against  Valencia 
under  the  plea  of  freeing  it  from  Al-mundhir.  The 
second  was   situated    at    Cebolla    or   Jubala,   about 


1092]  Reconciliation.  1 79 

seven  miles  from  Valencia,  the  only  strong  position 
on  the  plain  itself.  A  third  bastida  was  in  course  of 
construction  at  Albuhera.  Its  completion  would  en- 
tirely invest  Valencia,  cutting  it  off  from  all  land-borne 
supplies  and  communications  with  the  outer  world. 

The  Cid's  action  was  prompt  and  effectual.  With 
even  more  than  his  usual  craft  he  succeeded  in  induc- 
ing the  real  object  of  his  attack  to  furnish  him  with 
means  of  action  against  him.  Yahya,  finding  him- 
self surrounded  on  all  sides  by  dangers,  was  glad  to 
escape,  for  a  time  at  least,  the  most  pressing  of  them, 
by  bribing  the  Cid  to  raise  the  siege  which  was  being 
rapidly  pressed  forward  by  Al-mustain  and  his  al- 
lies. He  must  have  known  that  when  this  was  done 
he  would  be  at  the  mercy  of  one  who  was  equally 
little  troubled  by  scruples.  There  seemed,  however, 
no  other  way  out  of  his  immediate  difficulty  :  so  the 
Cid,  coming  nominally  as  the  protector  of  Valencia, 
pitched  his  camp  near  Murviedro  whilst  the  French 
army  (for  so  the  chroniclers  call  the  Catalans)  lay 
hard  by  at  Cort.  A  moment's  hesitation  followed, 
when  the  Cid,  in  Alfonso's  name,  called  upon  the 
Count  to  relinquish  the  siege  of  a  town  over  which 
his  master  claimed  suzerainty.  The  Count  at  last 
sent  a  refusal,  but  he  had  no  stomach  for  a  further 
experience  like  that  of  Almenara,  while  the  Cid 
would  have  found  it  inexpedient  to  forfeit  Alfonso's 
lately  acquired  favour  by  attacking  his  kinsman. 
So  the  Count  lay  quiet  in  his  camp,  regardless  of  the 
loud  boasting  of  his  men,  who  mocked  the  Cid's 
followers,  and  threatened  their  leader  with  capture, 
imprisonment,  and  death.     At  length  prudence  got 


i8o  The  Cid.  [IO86- 

the  upper  hand  ;  and,  accepting  his  disappointment 
as  best  he  could,  the  Count  moved  off  to  Requena, 
and  thence  to  his  own  dominions. 

The  Cid's  hands  were  now  free,  and  he  could 
demand  his  own  terms  from  the  helpless  Yahya. 
He  exacted  ten  thousand  dinars  a  month  for  his 
services,  and  engaged  to  subdue  the  revolted  castles, 
making  them  tributary,  as  they  had  been  in  the  time 
of  Ibn-Abdu-1-aziz.  He  promised  also  to  protect  the 
city  against  all  its  enemies,  and  to  bring  thither  for 
sale  all  the  booty  he  should  make  on  his  forays. 
The  latter  stipulation  was  calculated  to  secure  him 
the  favour  of  the  trading  class.  Valencia  was  now 
practically  in  his  power.  He  did  not,  however, 
hasten  to  tighten  his  grasp,  though,  in  the  words  of 
an  Arabic  historian,  "  he  clung  to  the  city  as  a 
creditor  clings  to  a  debtor,  and  delighted  in  her  as 
lovers  delight  in  the  object  of  their  joys."  His  first 
expedition  was  against  Murviedro  ;  but  he  was  spared 
the  trouble  of  fighting,  for  Ibn-Labbun,  the  gover- 
nor, purchased  his  protection.  Shortly  afterwards 
he  conducted  a  successful  foray  into  the  district  of 
Alpuente.  It  was  probably  undertaken  for  the  sake 
of  keeping  his  increasing  army  together  by  the  pro- 
spect of  abundant  plunder.  So  great  was  the  reputa- 
tion he  had  gained,  that  numbers  w^ere  ready  to  take 
part  even  in  what  seemed  his  most  desperate  ven- 
tures. In  the  spring  of  1090  he  was  at  Requena, 
when  something  happened  to  alter  all  his  plans. 

The  rapid  increase  of  the  Cid's  power  had  thor- 
oughly roused  the  Saracens  of  the  south,  while  the 
damage  done  by   the    Christian  garrison  of    Aledo 


1092] 


Reconciliation.  1 8 


was  intolerable  to  its  neighbours.  Though  fully 
recognising  that  unaided  they  were  no  match  for  the 
Christian  forces,  the  victory  of  Zalaca  had  filled  the 
Andalusians  with  great  hopes  of  what  might  be 
accomplished  in  conjunction  with  their  African 
brethren.  Their  distrust  of  the  Almoravides  had 
worn  off.  Yusuf  had  shown  no  inclination  to  pursue 
his  conquests  in  his  own  interest.  He  had,  in  fact, 
returned  to  his  own  dominions,  protesting  that  a 
single  visit  to  Andalus  had  sufficed  to  show  him  how 
exaggerated  was  the  idea  he  had  formed  of  the 
riches  and  beauty  of  that  country.  This  was  far 
from  being  the  truth  ;  and  Yusuf,  so  soon  as  he  had 
quelled  the  disturbances  that  had  broken  out  in 
consequence  of  the  death  of  his  son,  was  ready  again 
to  lend  a  willing  ear  to  the  Andalusian  ambassadors, 
who  clamoured  for  his  assistance,  extolling  him  as 
champion  of  Islam,  and  protector  of  the  oppressed. 
He  meanwhile  skilfully  concealed  his  eagerness, 
making  indefinite  promises  but  no  serious  prepara- 
tions for  fulfilling  his  threats  against  the  Christians. 
This  went  on  for  three  years,  until  at  last  Al-mu- 
tamed,  seeing  the  desperate  state  of  affairs  at  home, 
and  the  urgency  of  the  case,  determined  to  go  in 
person  to  lay  the  whole  matter  before  the  African. 
He  was  honourably  and  even  cordially  received. 
"  You  need  not  have  troubled  yourself,"  said  Yusuf : 
*'  you  might  have  written  and  I  should  have  made 
haste  to  fulfil  your  wishes."  Al-mutamed  pointed 
out  the  immediate  danger  to  which  he  was  exposed  ; 
then  he  betook  himself  to  entreaty.  "  Once  already," 
he  said,  ''  you  saved  us  ;  do  so  now  again." 


i82  TJie  Cid. 


[1086- 


So  Al-mutamed  returned  to  Seville,  comforted  by 
promises  of  immediate  succour  ;  and  Yusuf  pushed 
forward  his  preparations  with  such  genuine  good- 
will, that  in  the  spring  of  1090  he  was  already  in  a 
position  to  cross  the  Straits,  and  take  up  his  former 
position  at  Algeciras.  Here  Al-mutamed  met  him, 
and  proclamation  was  made,  calling  upon  all  the 
Saracen  princes  of  the  south  to  aid  in  destroying  the 
Christian  stronghold  of  Aledo.  The  appeal  was 
answered  by  Temim  of  Malaga,  Abdu-1-lah  of  Gra- 
nada, Al-mutacim  of  Almeria,  Ibn-Rashik  of  Murcia, 
and  other  Emirs  of  less  importance.  Aledo  was  at 
once  invested  by  a  powerful  force.  The  siege-train, 
consisting  of  rams,  catapults,  and  mining  apparatus, 
was  constructed  by  engineers  from  Murcia,  and  it 
was  agreed  that  each  of  the  allied  princes  should 
take  it  in  turn  to  lead  the  assault  for  one  day. 
Aided  by  the  strength  of  their  position,  the  besieged 
garrison,  consisting  of  thirteen  thousand  men,  made  a 
stout  resistance.  After  repeated  assaults,  they  shewed 
no  signs  of  yielding,  and  the  siege  was  changed  into  a 
blockade.     By  starvation  alone  could  Aledo  be  taken. 

A  common  danger  had  for  the  moment  compelled 
the  Andalusians  to  act  in  concert,  but  the  hatred 
and  jealousy  with  which  they  regarded  each  other 
soon  broke  out  again.  The  camp  before  Aledo  be- 
came a  nest  of  intrigues.  A  feud  of  long  standing 
existed  between  Al-mutamed  and  Al-mutacim,  the 
just  and  strictly  religious  King  of  Almeria.  Al- 
mutacim's  hatred  for  his  neighbour  was  that  which 
is  felt  by  all  weak  and  jealous  men  for  their  superiors 
in  spirit  and  frankness.     Of  this  feeling  Al-mutamed 


1092]  Yusiif's  Return  to  Spain.  183 

was  probably  aware,  though  he  had  done  little  to 
provoke  it.  Still  he  was  too  frank  by  nature  to  be 
continually  on  his  guard  ;  and  one  day  in  Al-mutacim's 
presence,  speaking  his  mind  as  was  his  wont,  he  let 
drop  some  slighting  expressions  about  Yusuf  and 
his  Almoravides.  His  words  were  at  once  reported 
to  the  African,  who  bided  his  time  for  revenge. 

Meanwhile  Al-mutamed,  unconscious  of  the  dan- 
ger that  threatened  him,  was  scheming  how  he 
might  be  avenged  on  his  former  enemy,  Ibn-Rashik 
of  Murcia.  He  represented  to  Yusuf  that  Ibn-Rashik 
had  been  the  ally  of  Alfonso,  and  had  rendered  im- 
portant services  to  the  Christians  of  Aledo.  His 
complaints  were  seemingly  well  received,  and,  em- 
boldened by  his  success,  he  laid  formal  claim  to  the 
whole  of  Ibn-Rashik's  dominions.  The  case  was 
laid  before  the  Almoravide  King ;  and  he,  according 
to  his  custom  referred  it  to  Xh^  faquihs  for  decision. 
Their  verdict  was  entirely  in  Al-mutamed's  favour. 
Ibn-Rashik  was  handed  over  to  him  as  a  prisoner, 
with  the  stipulation  that  he  should  not  be  put  to 
death.  The  Murcian  contingent  immediately  for- 
sook the  camp  and  returned  home,  putting  the  be- 
siegers to  no  small  inconvenience  both  by  the  cutting 
off  of  all  supplies  from  that  quarter,  and  by  the  loss 
of  their  most  skilful  engineers. 

Fostered  by  the  evident  incapacity  of  the  Anda- 
lusians  for  self-government,  the  ambition  to  conquer 
Spain  on  his  own  account  grew  daily  more  fixed  in 
Yusuf's  mind.  His  determination  was  confirmed  by 
the  many  malcontents  who  urged  him  towards  its 
execution  as  a  just  and  pious  work.     Chief  of  thein 


184  The  Cid,  [IO86- 

was  Abu-Jafar  Kolai,  the  Kadi  or  religious  governor 
of  Granada.  This  man  was  of  Arab  blood,  and  hated 
the  Berber  tyrants  of  Granada  ;  whilst  they,  on  their 
side,  feared  and  distrusted  him  by  reason  of  the  con- 
spicuous position  which  he  had  won  by  his  abilities. 
Abu-Jafar  knew  how  to  approach  Yusuf  from  either 
side  of  his  well-marked  character.  To  his  ambition 
he  appealed  by  representing  the  universal  discontent 
of  the  lower  classes,  ground  down  by  enormous  taxa- 
tion exacted  under  pretence  of  purchasing  the  peace 
for  which  they  longed  in  vain.  This  would  render 
the  conquest  easy,  and,  once  made,  would  secure  it. 
Yusuf's  religious  scruples  were  combated  by  the  as- 
surance that  the  restoration  of  the  law  in  all  its  purity 
would  be  a  good  work.  It  was  represented  to  him 
that  the  chiefs  of  Islam  in  Andalus  were  prepared 
to  issue  d.fetiva,  or  decree,  freeing  him  from  any  vows 
by  which  he  might  have  bound  himself  not  to  invade 
the  dominions  of  his  allies,  and  declaring  the  princes 
of  Andalus  to  have  forfeited  their  dominions  by  their 
unworthiness  and  impiety.  Added  to  these  consid- 
erations was  Yusuf's  natural  wish  to  read  a  lesson  to 
the  supercilious  and  efTeminate  Andalusians,  who, 
glorying  in  their  culture  and  refinement,  took  but 
little  care  to  conceal  their  real  sentiments  towards 
one  to  whom  they  cringed  in  public,  but  in  their 
hearts  regarded  as  little  better  than  a  boor  and  a 
barbarian. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  Saracen  camp, 
when,  on  the  approach  of  winter  (1090),  it  was  re- 
ported that  Alfonso  was  marching  with  a  powerful 
army  to  the  relief  of  Aledo.  This  bold  step  had 
been    rendered    imperative    by    two    considerations. 


1092]  Yustif's  Ret7ir7i  to  Spain,  185 

Aledo  was  the  key  to  all  the  former  possessions  of 
the  Christians  in  the  south.  If  the  fortress  by  which 
they  were  overawed  were  lost,  the  hope  of  speedily 
regaining  them  went  with  it.  Something  too  must 
be  done  to  restore  the  reputation  of  the  Christian 
arms  which,  had  suffered  severely  at  Zalaca,  So  Al- 
fonso made  ready  for  a  great  effort.  He  got  together 
at  Toledo  an  army  of  eighteen  thousand  men,  and 
sent  messengers  to  the  Cid  bidding  him  join  him 
with  all  his  forces  at  Villena,  where  he  intended  to 
pass  on  his  way  to  Aledo.  Greatly  as  it  interfered 
with  private  schemes  which  seemed  to  promise  suc- 
cess, the  Cid  determined  to  obey  the  King's  com- 
mand. He  set  out  at  once  from  Requena,  and  ar- 
rived at  the  place  named  for  the  meeting  before  the 
appointed  date.  But  here  he  found  himself  at  a  loss 
for  provisions;  so,  leaving  scouts  at  Villena  and  at 
Chinchilla  to  apprise  him  of  the  King's  arrival,  he 
marched  to  Onteniente,  where  he  was  sure  of  finding 
the  supplies  he  needed. 

Whilst  he  lay  in  his  camp  awaiting  tidings,  it  was 
suddenly  reported  to  him  that  the  King  had  come 
down  from  the  mountains  at  another  point,  and  had 
arrived  at  the  river  Segura.  The  Cid  started  at  once 
in  advance  of  his  army  to  make  certain  of  the  truth 
of  the  report.  He  found  that  the  King  had  already 
crossed  the  river,  and  was  on  his  way  to  Aledo.  It 
was  clear  that  his  failure  to  join  the  King's  forces 
would  be  misinterpreted  :  so  he  abandoned  the  enter- 
prise altogether,  and  sulkily  withdrew  to  Molina  with- 
out waiting  for  the  main  body  of  his  troops  to  come 
up  with  him. 

Meanwhile  Alfonso  pursued  his  march  unopposed 


1 86  The  Cid. 


[1086- 


to  Aledo.  It  had  been  Yusuf's  intention  to  offer 
battle  in  the  mountains  to  the  west  of  Totana ;  but 
at  the  last  moment  he  altered  his  plans,  and  retired 
to  Lorca.  He  feared  lest  the  Andalusians  should  be 
broken  by  the  first  shock  as  at  Zalaca,  and  should 
leave  himself  and  his  limited  company  of  Almora- 
vides  to  be-  crushed  by  superior  numbers.  The 
principal  object  of  his  campaign  too  was  fulfilled,  for 
Aledo  was  no  longer  tenable.  Alfonso  burned  the 
castle,  and  led  back  with  him  to  Castille  what  re- 
mained of  its  heroic  garrison. 

The  Cid's  many  enemies  now  hastened  to  place 
the  worst  interpretation  on  the  ambiguous  position 
in  which  he  had  placed  himself.  They  represented 
to  the  King  that  his  failure  to  take  part  in  the  expe- 
dition was  intentional,  and  that  its  motive  was  obvi- 
ous. The  Cid,  they  said,  had  absented  himself  in 
order  that  the  Christian  army,  deprived  of  his  aid, 
might  be  overwhelmed,  and  he  himself,  as  unques- 
tioned leader  of  one  party,  might  be  left  to  pursue 
his  schemes  untrammelled.  All  Alfonso's  distrust 
was  fanned  into  new  life  ;  the  plots,  too,  in  which  the 
Cid  was  known  to  be  engaged,  lent  colour  to  the  sus- 
picions entertained  against  him.  A  decree  of  out- 
lawry speedily  followed,  and  the  lands  and  castles 
which  he  held  under  the  Crown  of  Castille  were  de- 
clared forfeited.  His  very  patrimony,  the  freehold 
lands  that  had  come  down  to  him  from  his  fathers 
and  were  protected  against  seizure  by  the  provisions 
of  the  Code  (see  Appendix  H.),  were  confiscated,  to- 
gether with  his  household  goods  and  his  treasure. 
His  wife  and  daughters  were  imprisoned. 


1092]  The  Cid  agat7t  Outlawed,  187 

The  Cid's  position  was  now  a  precarious  one. 
Part  of  his  army,  foreseeing  the  decree  of  outlawry 
which  was  sure  to  follow  his  unfortunate  nnistake, 
had  demanded  permission  to  return  to  Castille  in 
order  to  avoid  the  penalties  decreed  against  those 
who  lent  countenance  to  such  as  had  been  declared 
traitors.  Thus  he  was  left  with  a  reduced  force  in 
an  enemy's  country  without  a  single  powerful  friend. 
But  there  were  still  many  who  feared  him,  and  be- 
lieved that  fortune  would  again  smile  on  "  him  who 
was  born  in  a  happy  hour." 

His  first  care  was  to  clear  himself  of  the  charges 
brought  against  him.  Such  cases  were  provided  for 
by  the  Code,  and  the  Cid  carried  out  its  directions 
to  the  letter.  He  sent  to  the  Court  a  soldier  well 
known  for  his  upright  character,  who,  when  intro- 
duced into  the  royal  presence,  spoke  as  follows : 
*'  Sir  King,  my  master  Rodrigo,  your  most  faithful 
vassal,  has  sent  me  to  you  to  kiss  your  hands  and 
beg  you  to  accept  in  your  Court  his  justification  and 
plea  with  regard  to  the  infamous  accusation  which 
his  enemies  have  falsely  brought  against  him  at  your 
Court.  My  master  is  prepared  either  to  fight  in 
person  at  your  Court  against  another  of  his  own  age 
and  condition,''^  or  a  soldier  of  his  will  fight  in  his 
stead,  against  another  of  like  age  and  condition 
maintaining  that  all  such  as  have  declared  to  you 
that   Rodrigo    behaved    disloyally    or    in    any    way 


*  In  the  Fuei'os  of  Navarre  some  interesting  details  are  given  as  to 
the  matching  of  combatants  for  these  duels.  The  measurements  com- 
pared include  those  of  the  chest,  arm,  wrist,  and  thigh. 


1 88  The  Cid. 


[1086- 


treacherously  against  you  in  your  march  to  Halahet 
(Aledo)  in  order  that  the  Moors  might  slay  you  and 
your  army,  have  hed  like  traitors  and  evil  men,  and 
are  faithless.  This  assertion  too  he  will  maintain 
among  the  terms  of  the  combat — that  no  count  or 
prince  and  no  soldier  who  came  loyally  to  your  aid, 
of  all  who  marched  with  you  to  the  rescue  of  the 
aforesaid  castle,  was  more  eager  to  serve  you  faith- 
fully against  those  Moors  and  against  all  your  ene- 
mies than  was  he,  even  to  the  utmost  of  his  power." 

Far  from  receiving  this  justification,  or  accepting 
on  behalf  of  the  accusers  the  proffered  combat,  the 
King  refused  even  to  listen  patiently  to  it ;  but  his 
anger  was  so  far  pacified  that  he  allowed  the  Cid's 
wife  and  children  to  return  to  him.  The  Cid,  how- 
ever, was  not  yet  satisfied  ;  and  he  proceeded  to  for- 
ward in  writing  to  the  King  the  following  plea  in  his 
defence,  which  he  was  ready  to  maintain  either  in 
person  or  by  deputy. 

''  This  is  the  plea  which  I,  Rodrigo,  plead  with  regard 
to  the  accusations  which  have  been  brought  against 
me  before  King  Alfonso.  My  lord  the  King  shall 
hold  (?  habebai)  me  in  such  love  and  honour  as  he 
before  held  me,  and  I  will  fight  at  his  Court  agai-nst 
one  of  my  own  age  and  condition,  or  my  soldier  shall 
fight  against  one  of  his  own  age  and  condition,  speak- 
ing thus  '  I,  Rodrigo,  swear  to  you  who  have  consented 
to  fight  against  me  and  who  accuse  me  in  the  matter 
of  the  expedition  when  King  Alfonso  went  up  against 
Halahet  to  fight  with  the  Moors,  that  the  only  cause 
wherefore  I  went  not  with  him  was  that  I  knew  not 
of  his  passing  by  and  was  unable  to  hear  of  it  from 


1092]  The  C id  again  OiUlaived.  189 

any  man.  This  therefore  is  in  very  truth  the  reason 
why  I  went  not  with  him.  And  in  the  matter  of  this 
battle  I  used  no  guile,  but  I  carried  out  the  orders 
which  he  sent  me  by  his  commissioner  {portarius)  in 
writing,  and  in  nothing  did  I  transgress  his  command. 
Thus  with  regard  to  that  battle  which  the  King 
meant  to  fight  against  the  Moors  who  were  besieging 
the  aforesaid  castle  I  wrought  no  guile,  nor  deceit,  nor 
treachery,  nor  any  evil  wherefore  my  person  should 
be  less  honoured,  or  deserve  to  be  less  honoured. 
And  none  of  all  those  counts,  princes,  or  soldiers 
who  went  with  him  in  that  army  was  more  truly  and 
faithfully  purposed  to  help  his  King  in  fighting 
against  the  aforesaid  Moors  than  I  according  to  the 
best  of  my  power.  I  swear  therefore  to  you  that  all 
I  declare  to  you  is  true  and,  if  I  lie,  may  God  deliver 
me  into  your  hands  to  do  your  will  upon  me,  but  if 
I  speak  truly,  may  God,  the  just  judge,  deliver  me 
from  this  false  accusation.'  An  oath  in  the  same 
terms  shall  be  sworn  by  my  soldier  to  the  soldier  who 
shall  consent  to  fight  against  him  in  the  matter  of 
this  accusation." 

It  is  probable  that  the  above  document,  preserved 
by  the  earliest  Christian  chronicler  of  the  Cid's  ex- 
ploits, contains  a  true  version  of  what  had  happened 
on  the  march  to  Aledo.  Even  making  allowance  for 
the  slack  morality  of  the  times  and  the  Cid's  well- 
known  unscrupulousness  with  regard  to  things  sacred, 
when  his  interests  were  at  stake,  we  can  scarcely 
believe  that  he  would  have  dared  to  invoke  the  tes- 
timony of  heaven  in  so  solemn  a  form  on  a  lie. 
Alfonso's  refusal    to  accept    the  ordeal    of    combat 


I  go  TJie  Cid.  [IO86- 

when  preferred  in  due  form  did  not  affect  the  validit/ 
of  the  justification,  and  the  Cid  could  now  hold  up 
his  head  again  among  men  of  unstained  honour. 

His  position  demanded  immediate  and  unceasing 
activity.  In  order  to  keep  together,  and,  if  possible, 
to  increase  the  faithful  remnant  of  his  army,  he  was 
obliged  to  fight  for  his  daily  bread  ;  for  even  Al-mus- 
tain,  weary  of  being  continually  duped,  had  ceased 
to  purchase  his  nominal  aid.  Accordingly  he  set  out 
from  Elche  at  Christmas  (1090),  and  first  turned  his 
arms  against  Al-mundhir.  Marching  along  the  coast 
past  Alicante,  he  came  to  Polop,  where  was  a  castle 
defending  a  cave,  in  which  the  inhabitants  of  the  sur- 
rounding country  had  piled  up  their  riches  for  safety. 
The  castle  was  besieged,  and  after  a  few  days  fell 
into  the  Cid's  hands,  together  with  a  large  store  of 
gold  and  silver,  silk,  and  precious  raiment.  But  this 
was  not  enough :  so  he  harried  the  surrounding  coun- 
try mercilessly,  until  from  Orihuela  to  Jativa  not  a 
wall  was  left  standing,  and  the  army  was  richly  pro- 
vided with  captives  and  cattle.  Near  Denia  he  re- 
paired, and  strengthened  an  old  castle,  and  there  he 
spent  Easter.  Ambassadors  now  came  in,  requesting 
peace,  for  Al-mundhir  could  not  hope  to  rid  his  "do- 
minions of  the  unwelcome  intruder  by  force  of  arms. 
A  large  bribe  induced  the  Cid  to  quit  the  district  in 
which  little  was  left  to  gain.  He  betook  himself  to 
the  territory  of  Valencia  nominally  as  the  friend  and 
ally  of  Al-mundhir. 

Acting  for  the  time  in  concert  with  him,  Al-mun- 
dhir at  once  attacked  Murviedro,  which  had  belonged 
to  Valencia,  and  formed  one  of  its  strongest  outposts. 


^:iM 


a-itt'  i.L-'-xi:-     JK^i  ■  Vi 


c  c  c 


c  c-  »  ( 

C  C  C    ( 


1092]  The  Cid  again  Otdlawed.  191 

Yahya  was  naturally  alarmed  at  this  unexpected 
combination  between  his  two  powerful  enemies,  and 
took  the  readiest  means  to  break  up  their  hollow 
friendship  by  sending  a  large  bribe  to  the  Cid,  which, 
together  with  presents  from  the  revolted  castles,  was 
eagerly  accepted.  Al-mundhir,  when  he  heard  the 
news,  in  turn  took  fright,  and  hastily  retreated  from 
before  Murviedro  ;  whilst  the  Cid,  leaving  all  in  con- 
fusion behind  him,  retired  to  Burriana,  eight  leagues 
north  of  Valencia,  where  for  some  time,  as  the  chroni- 
cle states,  he  "  lay  like  a  stone." 

Next  we  find  him  near  Tortosa,  where  he  took  the 
Castle  of  Maurelet  (Miravet)  and  set  up  his  head- 
quarters. The  latter  part  of  his  campaign  had 
brought  him  into  the  neighbourhood  of  his  old 
enemy,  the  Count  of  Barcelona,  who  was  further 
exasperated  at  having  been  deprived  by  the  Cid's 
proceedings  of  the  revenues  which  he  formerly  de- 
rived from  Valencia.  Al-mundhir  thought  he  saw 
in  the  Count's  determined  enmity  an  opportunity  of 
taking  vengeance  for  the  shameless  manner  in  which 
he  had  been  tricked.  He  commenced  negotiations 
with  a  view  to  secure  concerted  action  between  the 
King  of  Aragon,  the  Count  of  Urgel,  the  Count  of 
Barcelona,  and  himself.  His  proposals  were  rejected 
by  the  two  former  ;  but  the  Count  of  Barcelona, 
rashly  hopeful  as  ever,  assembled  a  large  force  of 
Catalans,  and  camped  at  Calamocha,  in  the  district  of 
Albarracin,  on  the  road  from  Saragossa  to  Valencia. 

lyong  experience  had  taught  Berenger  the  real 
power  and  infinite  resource  of  the  Castillian  adven- 
turer, so  this  time  he  sought  to  crush  him  by  bringing 


192  TJie  Cid.  [1086- 

upon  him  an  irresistible  combination  of  his  many 
enemies.  He  visited  Al-mustain  of  Saragossa,  and 
Alfonso  of  Castille,  for  the  purpose  of  soliciting  their 
aid  in  his  enterprise.  The  former  he  found  at 
Daroca,  eager  to  avenge  his  many  disappointments 
on  their  author,  but  too  timid  to  co-operate  openly 
against  him.  He  was  induced,  however,  to  furnish 
Berenger  with  a  sum  of  money,  and  to  accompany 
him  on  his  visit  to  Alfonso.  This  proved  utterly 
fruitless.  Alfonso  had  neither  money  nor  troops  to 
lend,  nor  did  he  feel  strong  enough  to  add  another 
to  the  list  of  his  declared  enemies.  So  Berenger  re- 
turned to  his  camp  without  having  secured  any  addi- 
tion to  his  forces. 

Seeing  the  turn  which  affairs  were  taking,  Al-mus- 
tain, whose  sole  desire  was  to  live  at  peace  with  his 
neighbours,  and  who  had  furnished  the  money  only 
through  fear  of  the  consequences  of  refusal,  began  to 
waver,  and  sent  secretly  to  inform  the  Cid  of  the 
danger  in  which  he  stood.  But  the  Cid  was  already 
on  his  guard,  occupying  a  strong  position  in  the 
mountains  of  Morella :  so  ''  with  a  cheerful  face,"  as 
the  chronicler  relates,  he  made  answer  to  the  messen- 
ger on  this  wise, — "  To.  Almuzahen  (Al-mustain) 
King  of  Saragossa,  my  faithful  friend  ;  for  that  he 
discloses  to  me  the  design  of  the  Count  and  the  dis- 
position of  the  attack  that  has  been  prepared  and  is 
about  to  be  made  upon  me,  I  give  him  friendly 
thanks.  As  for  the  Count  and  the  multitude  of  his 
warriors  I  hold  him  as  nothing  and  spurn  him  and, 
with  the  help  of  God,  I  will  gladly  await  him  in  this 
place,  and  if  he  comes,  I  will  of  a  surety  fight  against 


1092]  The  C id  again  Outlawed,  193 

him."  This  letter  Al-mustain  was  requested  to  shew- 
to  the  Count.  He  did  so,  and  it  provoked  the  fol- 
lowing curious  reply  ; 

''  I  Berenger,  Count  of  Barcelona,  together  with 
my  soldiers  inform  you,  Rodrigo,  that  we  have  seen 
your  letter  which  you  sent  to  Almuzahen,  King  of 
Saragossa,  bidding  him  shew  it  to  us,  wherein  you 
mocked  us  and  taunted  us  beyond  bearing,  provok. 
ing  us  to  the  utmost  rage.  Aforetime  you  have 
done  us  many  injuries,  constraining  us  to  be  your 
enemies  and  to  be  sore  wroth  against  you  ;  how 
much  more  then  shall  we  be  exasperated  by  the 
mockery  wherewith  in  your  letter  you  have  scorned 
and  derided  us.  Our  goods  which  you  wrested  from 
us  you  have  still  in  your  power.  But  God  who  is 
powerful  will  give  us  vengeance  for  all  the  injuries 
which  you  have  inflicted  upon  us.  Moreover  another 
and  a  still  fouler  injury  and  mockery  you  have  put 
upon  us,  in  that  you  have  likened  us  to  our  wives. 
But  it  is  not  our  intention  to  mock  you  thus  unbear- 
ably nor  your  men,  but  we  pray  and  entreat  the  God 
of  Heaven  that  he  may  deliver  you  into  our  hand 
and  into  our  power,  so  that  we  may  prove  to  you 
that  we  are  of  more  worth  than  our  wives.  You  said 
moreover  to  King  Almuzahen  that,  if  we  should 
come  against  you  to  fight  with  you,  you  would  come 
to  meet  us  before  he  could  return  to  Monteson 
(Monzon),  and  if  we  should  delay  our  coming  against 
you,  you  would  come  out  to  meet  us  by  the  way. 
Wherefore  we  earnestly  pray  you  to  forbear  from 
insulting  us  now  because    to-day  we  do  not  come 

down  to  you.     Our  reason  for  so  doing  is  that  we 
13 


194  '^^^^  ^^^'  [1086- 

wish  first  to  assure  ourselves  with  regard  to  your 
army  and  its  position.  For  we  see  that  it  is  your 
purpose  to  fight  against  us  with  the  advantage  of 
your  position  on  the  mountains  on  which  your  hopes 
are  founded.  We  perceive  moreover  and  know  that 
ravens  and  crows  and  hawks  and  eagles  and  almost 
all  kinds  of  birds  are  your  gods  ;  for  you  put  more  con- 
fidence in  their  auguries  than  in  God  (see  p.  125,  note). 
But  we  believe  and  adore  one  God,  and  have  confi- 
dence that  he  will  make  us  to  triumph  over  you  and 
will  deliver  you  into  our  hands.  So  then  to-morrow 
at  break  of  day  by  the  help  of  God  you  shall  surely 
see  us  at  close  quarters  and  arrayed  against  you. 
But  if  you  will  come  out  against  us  in  the  plain  and 
will  quit  your  mountains,  then  we  shall  consider  you 
to  be  that  Rodrigo  whom  men  call  the  warrior  and 
Campeador.  But  if  you  will  not  do  this  then  we 
shall  hold  you  for  such  a  one  as  men  call  in  the 
language  of  Castille  alevoso  (a  traitor)  and  in  the 
language  of  France  bauzador  or  a  deceitful  braggart. 
For  in  sooth  it  will  serve  you  but  little  to  make  show 
of  all  the  might  that  is  in  you.  We  will  not  cease 
to  strive  against  you  until  you  be  come  into  our 
hands,  either  dead  or  a  captive  bound  with  fetters 
of  iron.  Thus  at  length  we  will  conquer  you  in 
svngle  combat  ^faciermis  de  te  alboroz^  see  p.  31)  even 
as  you  boasted  that  you  did  to  us.  But  God  will 
avenge  his  churches  which  you  outrageously  broke 
into  and  violated." 

This  letter  was  read  aloud  in  the  presence  of  the 
Cid,  who  immediately  caused  an  answer  to  be  sent 
in  the  following  terms  :  "  I  Rodrigo,  together  with 


1092]  The  Cid  again  Outlawed.  195 

my  companions,  give  greeting  to  you  Berenger,  the 
Count,  and  to  your  men.  Know  that  I  have  heard 
your  letter  read  and  have  marked  all  that  is  con- 
tained in  it.  And  in  it  you  declared  that  I  wrote  to 
Almuzahen  my  letter  mocking  and  railing  at  you 
and  your  men.  Herein  you  have  spoken  truly,  for 
I  did  rail  at  you  and  your  men  and  I  still  rail  at 
you.  So  then  I  will  tell  you  wherefore  I  insulted 
you.  When  you  were  with  Almuzahen  in  the  dis- 
trict of  Calatajub  (Calatayud),  you  spoke  evil  before 
him,  telling  him  that  through  fear  of  you  I  had  not 
dared  to  enter  those  lands.  Your  men  also,  to  wat 
Raymond  of  Baran  and  other  soldiers  who  were 
with  him,  said  the  same  to  King  Alfonso,  making 
mock  of  me  in  Castille  in  the  presence  of  the  Cas- 
tillians.  You  yourself  also,  when  Almuzahen  was 
there  present,  declared  to  King  Alfonso  that  you 
had  indeed  fought  with  me  and  of  a  truth  had  con- 
quered me  and  cast  me  out  from  the  lands  of  Alfa- 
gib  (Al-mundhir),  and  that  in  no  wise  would  I  dare 
to  await  you  in  the  aforesaid  land,  and  that  it  was 
from  love  of  the  King  that  you  thus  held  your  hand, 
and  that  for  his  love  you  have  not  hitherto  dis- 
turbed me  because  I  was  his  vassal,  and  for  this 
reason  you  spared  me  and  were  unwilling  to  put  me 
to  shame.  It  was  on  account  of  insults  such  as 
these  which  with  mockery  you  inflicted  upon  me 
that  I  railed  and  shall  rail  at  you  and  yours,  and 
likened  and  compared  you  to  your  wives  by  reason 
of  your  womanlike  feebleness.  But  now  you  can 
not  do  less  than  fight  against  me,  if  you  do  but 
dare  to  attack  me.     But,  if  you  fail  to  come  against 


196  The  Cid.  [IO86- 

me,  then  will  all  men  hold  me  in  honour,  and  if 
you  dare  to  come  against  me  with  your  army,  come 
straightway  for  I  fear  you  not  at  all.  I  cannot 
think  that  you  have  forgotten  what  harm  I  did  to 
you  and  yours  and  what  evil  treatment  you  received 
from  me.  I  am  aware  too  that  you  made  an  agree- 
ment with  Alfagib  that  he  should  give  you  money 
and  that  you  would  utterly  drive  and  cast  me  out 
from  his  lands.  Yet  I  believe  you  will  not  have 
courage  to  fulfil  your  promise  and  will  be  very  far 
from  daring  to  come  against  me  and  to  fight  with 
me.  Refuse  not  to  come  against  me,  for  I  am  to 
be  found  on  level  ground — the  levellest  in  all  this 
region.  Of  a  truth  I  declare  to  you  that,  if  you 
and  your  men  consent  to  come  against  me  it  shall 
profit  you  but  little.  For  I  will  give  you  your  wages 
as  of  yore,  if  perchance  you  make  bold  to  come 
against  me.  But  if  you  refuse  to  come  against  me, 
and  lack  heart  to  fight  with  me,  I  will  send  my  let- 
ters to  King  Don  Alfonso  and  I  will  send  messen- 
gers to  Almuzahen  telling  them  that  distraught  by 
fear  of  me  you  failed  to  fulfil  all  your  promises  and 
all  that  you  boasted  and  vaunted  that  you  would  do. 
Not  only  to  these  two  Kings  will  I  make  this  knbwn 
and  publish  it,  but  to  all  nobles  both  Christian  and 
Moorish,  and  both  Christian  and  Moor  shall  know  of 
a  truth  that  I  took  you  prisoner  and  held  your  goods 
and  the  goods  of  your  men  in  my  power.  But  now 
with  confident  and  steadfast  heart  I  await  you  on 
level  ground.  If  by  chance  you  attempt  to  reach 
me  here,  you  will  find  some  part  of  your  goods,  but 
it  shall  not  profit  you,  rather  it  shall  be  your  bane. 


1092]  The  Cid  again  Outlawed,  197. 

You  have  boasted  with  vain  words  saying  that  you 
considered  me  as  good  as  conquered  already,  or 
captive,  or  dead  in  your  power  ;  but  this  Hes  in  the 
hand  of  God  and  not  in  yours.  You  have  foully 
insulted  me  saying  that  I  wrought  treachery  accord- 
ing to  the  code  of  Castille  and  disloyalty  according 
to  the  code  of  France.  Herein  you  have  lied  in 
your  throat.  Never  did  I  do  any  such,  but  he  who 
did  so  is  one  who  is  well  versed  in  such  treachery, 
one  who  is  very  near  to  you,  and  whom  many,  both 
Christian  and  Paynim,  know  well  to  be  such  as  I 
say.  Long  have  we  been  wrangling  with  abusive 
words.  Let  us  leave  this  discussion  and,  as  is  the 
wont  of  loyal  knights,  let  the  matter  between  us  be 
decided  by  honourable  force  of  arms.  Come  and 
delay  not,  for  you  shall  have  of  me  your  wages  even 
as  I  am  ever  wont  to  pay  them  to  you." 

This  letter  fulfilled  its  purpose.  As  the  Cid  had 
calculated,  it  irritated  the  Count  and  his  men  beyond 
endurance  by  its  outrageously  insulting  tone.  Blind 
with  fury,  they  no  longer  hesitated  to  attache  him  in 
his  strong  position.  Their  rash  confidence  was  still 
further  stimulated  by  a  stratagem.  The  Cid  pur- 
posely allowed  a  small  division  of  his  men  to  be  de- 
feated and  captured.  The  prisoners  reported  of  their 
leader  that  his  only  care  was  to  get  away  as  best  he 
could  without  fighting.  In  order  to  prevent  this,  the 
Catalans  divided  their  forces,  sending  one  division 
during  the  night  to  occupy  the  heights  above  the 
Cid's  camp.  This  movement  was  so  quietly  and 
skilfully  executed,  that  the  Cid  was  unaware  of  it. 
On  the  following  morning,  while  his  attention  was 


198  The  Cid.  [IO86- 

taken  up  by  the  Count  and  the  main  part  of  his 
army,  who  were  marching  up  from  below,  he  was  un- 
expectedly attacked  from  above  by  the  division  that 
was  intended  to  take  his  camp  at  a  rush.  It  was 
only  by  desperate  fighting  that  he  saved  himself. 
In  the  onslaught  he  was  hurled  from  his  horse,  and 
was  somewhat  severely  hurt.  Luckily  for  him,  one 
charge  had  been  enough  to  inspire  his  men  with 
their  old  confidence  in  his  fortunes.  Another  charge 
rescued  him  from  his  perilous  position,  and  broke  the 
ranks  of  the  Catalans.  When  once  their  attack  was 
turned,  the  fatal  results  of  the  division  of  their  forces 
became  apparent.  Their  army  soon  became  a  hurry- 
ing rabble.  Berenger  was  taken  prisoner,  together 
with  almost  all  the  noblemen  and  gentlemen  who 
had  accompanied  him  on  an  expedition  which  they 
regarded  as  little  less  meritorious  than  a  crusade 
against  the  Infidels.  The  whole  of  their  camp,  with 
its  rich  store  of  gold  and  silver  plate,  precious  rai- 
ment, horses,  mules,  and  arms,  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  victors,  and  was  duly  distributed  among  all  ranks 
according  to  the  customary  proportion.  It  was  in 
this  battle,  says  the  chronicler,  that  the  Cid  won  the 
*'  precious  swords  made  in  old  days,"  and  among 
them  the  famous  Colada,  worth  more  than  a  thou- 
sand marks  of  silver.  We  shall  hear  of  it  again  when 
we  come  to  the  legendary  history  of  the  marriage  of 
the  Cid's  daughters. 

As  for  Count  Berenger,  his  grief  and  rage  at  his 
defeat  and  disgrace — for  as  such  he  regarded  it — 
were  inconsolable.  He  caused  himself  to  be  brought 
to  the  Cid's  tent  after  the  battle,  and  there  he  un- 


10921  The  Cid  agaUi  OzUlawed,  199 

derwent  the  bitterness  of  suing  for  pardon  from  his 
old  enemy.  At  first  he  was  harshly  received,  and  re- 
proached with  having  through  envy  interfered  with 
the  Cid's  schemes  against  the  Moors.  He  was  not 
allowed  to  sit  down,  nor  to  enter  the  tent,  but  had 
to  stand  outside  guarded  by  soldiers.  Stung  to  the 
quick  by  the  insolent  behaviour  of  his  haughty  cap- 
tor, the  Count  refused  to  touch  the  food  provided 
for  his  use,  intending,  we  must  suppose,  to  allow 
himself  to  starve  to  death.  How  he  was  induced  to 
change  his  mind  is  best  told  by  the  old  gleeman  who 
made  the  Cid  the  hero  of  his  poem  and  who  here 
betrays  a  vein  of  perhaps  unconscious  humour. 

''  For  my  Cid  Don  Rodrigo  they  were  preparing  a 
great  feast  ;  the  Count  Don  Rremont  heeds  it  not 
one  whit.  They  bring  to  him  the  food,  they  placed 
it  before  his  eyes,  but  he  would  not  eat  of  it,  and 
railed  fiercely  at  them  all.  '  I  will  not  eat  a  mouth- 
ful for  all  the  wealth  of  Spain,  sooner  will  I  destroy 
my  body  and  rid  me  of  my  life,  since  such  an  ill- 
breeched  rabble  has  conquered  me  in  fight.'  Hear 
what  my  Cid  Rruy  Diaz  said,  '  Eat,  Sir  Count,  this 
bread  and  drink  this  wine,  for  if  you  do  as  I  bid  you, 
you  shall  be  set  free  and,  if  you  do  not,  you  shall 
never  more  in  all  your  days  set  eyes  on  Christian 
land.'  Then  said  the  Count  Don  Rremont,  '  Eat, 
Don  Rodrigo  and  enjoy  your  pleasant  ease,  and  I 
will  let  me  die,  for  eat  I  will  not.'  For  three  whole 
days  they  cannot  bend  his  will.  Whilst  they  are 
sharing  this  rich  booty  they  cannot  make  him  eat  a 
morsel  of  bread.  Then  spake  my  Cid,  '  Eat,  Sir 
Count,   somewhat,  for  if  you  do  not  eat,  you   shall 


200  The  Cid,  [1086- 

not  set  eyes  on  Christians,  and  if  you  eat  enough  to 
please  me,  I  will  release  and  set  at  liberty  your  own 
person  and  two  of  your  knights.'  When  the  Count 
heard  this  joy  began  to  return  to  his  heart.  '  If,  Cid, 
you  do  as  you  have  spoken,  all  my  life  I  shall  marvel 
thereat.*  '  Eat  then.  Sir  Count,  and  when  you  have 
well  dined,  I  will  set  you  and  two  others  at  liberty  ; 
but  of  all  that  you  lost  and  I  won  in  the  battle  be 
assured  that  I  will  not  give  you  the  worth  of  a  bad 
penny.  Nothing  of  what  you  have  lost  will  I  give 
back  to  you,  for  I  need  it  for  myself  and  for  these 
vassals  of  mine  who  bear  me  company  in  hardships, 
so  you  shall  not  have  it.  It  is  by  taking  goods  from 
you  and  from  others  that  we  must  gain  our  liveli- 
hood. This  life  must  we  lead  while  it  be  God's 
pleasure,  like  men  against  whom  the  King  is  wroth 
and  who  are  exiled  from  their  land.'  Right  joyful 
was  the  Count,  he  asked  for  water  for  his  hands,  and 
they  brought  it  before  him  and  speedily  gave  it  to 
him.  Together  w^th  the  knights  whom  the  Cid  had 
given  him  the  Count  is  eating  away  ;  right  gladly 
does  he  eat.  Over  against  him  was  sitting  he  who 
was  born  in  happy  hour  (the  Cid).  *  If  you  eat  not 
well,  Sir  Count,  so  that  I  be  content,  here  we,will 
make  our  stay  and  we  will  not  part  company.'  Then 
spake  the  Count,  '  Right  readily  and  with  good 
will.'  With  those  two  knights  he  dined  full  speed- 
ily. Pleased  is  my  Cid  who  stands  watching  him, 
that  the  Count  Don  Rremont  so  glibly  plied  his 
hands.  '  If  it  be  your  pleasure,  my  Cid,  we  are 
ready  to  go.  Order  our  beasts  to  be  given  to  us  and 
in  haste  we  will  depart.     From  the  day  that  I   be- 


1092]  The  Cid  again  Outlawed.  201 

came  Count  I  have  not  dined  with  such  good  will, 
and  the  taste  of  this  dinner  I  shall  never  forget.' 
They  gave  him  three  palfreys  well  saddled,  and  good 
raiment  of  furs  and  cloaks.  The  Count  Don  Rre- 
mont  placed  himself  between  his  two  knights.  The 
Castillian  escorted  them  to  the  boundary  of  the 
camp.  'So  you  are  off.  Sir  Count,  like  a  loyal  man 
and  true !  Right  grateful  am  I  to  you  for  all  you 
have  left  behind.  If  ever  it  crosses  your  mind  that 
you  wish  to  be  avenged,  then,  if  you  come  to  seek 
me,  I  am  not  hard  to  find.  But  if  you  come  not  to 
seek  me  and  let  me  live  in  peace,  of  your  own  goods 
or  mine  good  portion  you  shall  have.'  'Take  your 
pleasure  now,  my  Cid,  for  you  are  safe  from  harm. 
For  the  whole  of  the  year  you  have  got  your  pay 
from  me :  as  for  coming  to  seek  you  I  shall  never 
even  dream  of  it.'  The  Count  is  spurring  on,  he  is 
eager  to  be  gone,  he  keeps  turning  his  head  and 
looking  back,  for  fear  is  come  upon  him  that  the  Cid 
will  rue  his  word,  but  this  the  good  knight  would  not 
do  for  all  the  riches  in  the  world,  for  never  at  any 
time  did  he  do  a  disloyal  act."  ^ 

It  is  probable  that  the  Count  did  not  come  out  of 
the  Cid's  hands  quite  so  easily  as  the  minstrel  gives 
us  to  understand.  We  hear  from  another  source  of 
several  thousand  marks  of  gold  as  the  sum  agreed 
upon  for  his  ransom,  and  that  of  Giraud  d'Alaman, 
a  French  knight  who  had  accompanied  him  and  had 
been  severely  wounded  in  the  face.  The  Cid's  posi- 
tion did  not  warrant  him  in  sacrificing  to  a  generous 
instinct  so  large  a  supply  of  the  sinews  of  war.     Cer- 

^  Poema  dd  Cid,  ed,  VolmoUer,  v.  loi  7-108 1, 


202  The  Cid. 


[1086- 


tain  it  is,  however,  that  he  gained  the  gratitude  of  a 
large  number  of  his  prisoners  by  the  remission,  either 
in  whole  or  in  part,  of  the  sums  appointed  for  their 
ransom.  He  set  free  the  hostages  that  some  had 
given  as  security  for  payment,  and,  in  place  of  money, 
exacted  a  promise  not  to  serve  against  him  again. 
This  release  of  prisoners,  though  the  fact  is  not  men- 
tioned by  the  chroniclers,  may  be  connected  with  a 
formal  reconciliation  between  the  Cid  and  Berenger 
which  took  place  not  long  after  this  famous  fight  in 
the  pine  forest  of  Tebar. 

Shortly  after  this  exploit,  the  Cid,  for  reasons  that 
we  do  not  know,  moved  his  camp  to  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Saragossa.  After  remaining  some  weeks,  he 
came  to  Daroca,  where  he  was  induced  to  stay  for 
two  months  by  the  abundance  of  provisions.  Here, 
too,  a  severe  illness  befell  him.  It  happened  that 
whilst  at  Daroca  the  Cid  had  cause  to  send  ambassa- 
dors to  Saragossa  to  Al-mustain,  the  King.  Berenger, 
who  was  in  the  city  with  many  of  his  nobles,  heard 
of  the  coming  of  the  messengers ;  and,  judging  the 
opportunity  a  favourable  one,  he  summoned  them 
before  him,  and  intrusted  them  with  a  message  for 
their  master,  in  which  he  gave  him  all  good  greeting, 
and  expressed  his  willingness  to  become  the  Cid's 
friend  and  ally  in  all  his  necessities. 

On  the  return  of  the  messengers,  they  found  the 
Cid  recovered  from  his  illness  but  still  at  Daroca. 
At  first  he  made  light  of  the  Count's  words,  and  alto- 
gether refused  to  accept  the  proffered  friendship,  but 
it  was  pointed  out  to  him  that  it  could  be  no  disgrace 
to  the  victor  to  accept  the  offers  of  the  vanquished. 


1092]  The  Cid  again  Outlawed.  203 

Moreover,  Berenger  might  still  prove  a  troublesome 
enemy,  and  seriously  interfere  with  the  Cid's  schemes 
for  the  future,  if  he  remained  hostile.  So  the  Cid 
sent  back  a  courteous  message  to  the  Count,  and  the 
news  of  the  success  of  their  mission  caused  great  re- 
joicings among  the  Catalans  who  still  lingered  at  Sara- 
gossa.  A  meeting  of  the  two  leaders  was  arranged 
and  successfully  brought  about.  Their  armies  marched 
down  to  the  coast  together  ;  the  Cid  pitched  his  camp 
at  his  old  quarters  of  Burriana  ;  whilst  the  Count  made 
his  way  to  his  own  dominions,  part  of  which  were 
now  placed  under  the  powerful  protection  of  the 
Cid. 

The  news  of  the  Cid's  great  victory  and  of  the 
alliance  made  with  the  Count  of  Barcelona  caused 
consternation  in  the  south.  Al-mundhir,  the  former 
ally  of  Berenger  in  his  rash  enterprise,  actually  died 
of  rage  and  grief  on  hearing  of  this  further  disap- 
pointment. He  left  as  his  heir  a  son  too  young  to 
govern,  who  was  placed  under  the  guardianship  of 
the  powerful  family  called  by  the  chroniclers  the  sons 
of  Bekir  (Bekr).  (See  p.  1 56.)  One  of  these  held  Tor- 
tosa,  another  Jativa,  while  kinsmen  of  theirs  ruled 
Denia  and  other  places  in  the  young  King's  name. 
The  governors  wisely  concluded  that  it  would  be  use- 
less to  further  prolong  the  struggle  :  so  they  put  the 
whole  principality,  with  its  important  towns  of  Denia, 
Tortosa,  and  Lerida,  under  the  Cid's  protection,  agree- 
ing to  pay  him  a  tribute  of  fifty  thousand  gold  pieces 
a  year.  This  example  was  followed  by  other  petty 
rulers ;  for  the  Cid,  backed  by  the  resources  of  the 
places  that  had  already  submitted,  and  holding  strong 


204  The  Czd.  [IO86  92] 

positions  at  Burriana  and  Cebolla,  now  possessed  an 
almost  unlimited  power  of  doing  harm  to  his  neigh- 
bours. 

It  was  probably  about  this  time  that  he  began 
seriously  to  consider  the  ambitious  project  of  con- 
quering all  Andalusia  for  himself.  His  resources 
were  seemingly  sufficient  for  the  purpose,  at  least  as 
far  as  money  was  concerned.  In  addition  to  the  sums 
received  from  the  Count  of  Barcelona  and  from  the 
guardians  of  Al-mundhir's  heir,  his  tribute-roll  now 
amounted  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  gold 
pieces  collected  yearly,  mainly  from  the  following 
towns :  Valencia,  Albarracin,  Alpuente,  Murviedro, 
Segorbe,  Jerica  and  Almenara.  The  governor  of  the 
castle  and  town  of  Liria  stubbornly  refused  to  pay 
the  two  thousand  gold  pieces  demanded  of  him,  so 
the  Cid  in  1092  went  forth  to  reduce  him  to  obedi- 
ence. 

Since  his  failure  to  meet  with  King  Alfonso  on  his 
march  to  Aledo  two  years  before,  the  Cid  had  acted 
quite  independently,  and  was  now  in  fact  a  monarch 
in  his  own  right.  Another  reconciliation  between 
him  and  his  former  master,  and  another  quarrel,  were 
yet  to  take  place.  In  order  to  understand  the  cir- 
cumstances, we  must  turn  to  the  events  that  had 
taken  place  meanwhile  in  Andalus  and  in  Castille. 


COIN    OF  SANCHO    IV.    OF    NAVARRE,    1054-1076. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

CONQUESTS   OF   THE   ALMORAVIDES    IN   ANDALUS  ; 
ALFONSO  AND  THE  CID  UNITE  THEIR  FORCES. 


1 086- 1 092. 

INTRIGUES  were  as  rife  as  ever  among  the 
Moslem  leaders,  and  prevented  all  hearty  co- 
operation in  the  common  cause.  The  negotia- 
tions between  Yusuf  and  the  chiefs  of  the  religious 
party  who  urged  him  to  make  himself  King  of  all 
Andalusia  were  well  known.  An  unsuccessful 
attempt  made  by  the  petty  princes  to  check  their 
schemes  finally  caused  the  Almoravide  to  throw  off 
the  mask.  One  of  those  who  sought  most  actively 
to  turn  the  Almoravide  invasion  into  a  conquest 
and  settlement,  was,  as  we  have  seen,  Abu-Jafar, 
the  Kadi  of  Granada.  His  master,  Abdu-1-lah,  King 
of  Granada,  was  well  aware  of  his  proceedings  ;  but 
so  long  as  he  was  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood 
of  the  Almoravides,  the  declared  champions  of 
religion  and  its  ministers,  he  did  not  dare  to  lay 
hands  on  his  treacherous  subject.  Once  within  the 
walls  of  his  own  capital,  he  considered  nimself  safe 
to  indulge  his  weak  and  passionate  temper.     Sum- 

205 


2o6  The  Czd. 


[1086- 


moiling  the  Kadi  to  his  palace,  he  first  bitterly 
upbraided  him,  and  finally  ordered  his  guards  to 
slay  him.  The  Kadi's  life  was  saved  by  the  King's 
mother,  who  besought  her  son  not  to  imperil  his 
soul  by  putting  to  death  so  pious  a  man  ;  but  the 
King  was  not  to  be  altogether  cheated  of  his 
vengeance,  so  he  ordered  the  Kadi  to  be  imprisoned 
in  one  of  the  rooms  of  the  palace.  Here  Abu-Jafar 
betook  himself  to  prayer  and  to"  the  recitation  of 
verses  of  the  Koran  in  so  loud  a  voice  that  it  echoed 
through  the  palace,  filling  the  hearers  with  supersti- 
tious dread.  They  feared  that  Divine  vengeance 
would  come  in  answer  to  the  prayer,  and  accord- 
ingly, headed  by  the  Queen  dowager,  they  worked 
upon  the  King  to  set  the  Kadi  free.  They  suc- 
ceeded ;  and  the  Kadi,  as  soon  as  he  was  free,  made 
his  way  to  Cordova.  Burning  to  be  avenged  on 
his  master  for  the  harsh  treatment  which  he  had 
received  at  his  hands,  Abu-Jafar  at  once  renewed 
his  negotiations  with  Yusuf,  and  now  no  longer 
troubled  to  conceal  their  purpose.  He,  moreover, 
procured  a  fetwa  from  the  Kadis  and  faquihs  of 
Andalusia,  declaring  the  King  and  his  brother  to 
have  forfeited  their  dominions.  Even  this  was  not 
enough  :  he  sought  to  have  the  fetwa  extended  so 
as  to  include  the  other  Andalusian  princes.  But 
here  \,\\q  faquihs  hesitated,  and  contented  themselves 
with  a  half-measure,  issuing  a  further  decree  by 
which  Yusuf  was  authorised  to  exact  from  all  the 
kinglets  conformity  in  the  matter  of  taxation. 
Yusuf,  of  course,  willingly  undertook  the  commis- 
sion, and  gladly  welcomed  the  opportunity  of  enlist- 


1092]  Conquests  of  the  Almoravides.  207 

ing  the  people  at  large  and  the  powerful  religious 
party  on  his  side.  He  marched  upon  Granada, 
without,  however,  declaring  war ;  for  he  had  come 
to  regard  its  King  as  a  rebellious  subject  rather 
than  as  an  independent  monarch. 

The  King  of  Granada  was  advised  by  his  most 
prudent  councillor,  the  old  vizir  Al-muammil,  to  go 
out  to  meet  the  Almoravides  peaceably  ;  but  he  had 
not  courage  for  the  interview,  and  feared  to  put  him- 
self into  the  power  of  his  enemy.  He  suspected 
that  Al-muammil  was  bent  on  betraying  him  ;  and 
he  made  matters  still  worse  by  yielding  to  his  fears, 
and  driving  him  and  his  party  in  disgrace  from  the 
city.  They  fled,  but  were  overtaken  and  brought 
back  by  the  King's  troops.  After  much  harsh 
treatment,  they  were  finally  set  at  liberty,  but  only 
at  the  direct  command  of  the  Almoravide,  which 
none  dared  to  disobey. 

The  King  then  sent  a  messenger  to  his  nominal 
overlord,  Alfonso,  requesting  help,  whilst  he  busied 
himself  at  home  in  enrolling  artisans  for  a  resistance 
which  in  any  case  must  have  been  feeble,  but  was 
now  utterly  hopeless.  His  conduct  had  entirely 
alienated  from  his  cause  the  majority  of  his  subjects. 
Alfonso  did  not  even  trouble  to  reply  ;  and,  without 
striking  a  blow%  the  King  of  Granada  again  changed 
his  mind.  He  listened  to  the  advice  of  his  council 
when  he  had  already  forfeited  the  pardon  which  he 
might  have  expected.  Escorted  by  a  magnificent 
suite,  he  went  out  in  peaceable  guise  to  the  camp  of 
the  Almoravides.  He  was  honourably  received,  and 
his  humble  apologies  for  his  misdeeds  met  with  a 


2o8  The  Cid.  [1086- 

gracious  reply  ;  but  as  soon  as  he  set  foot  in  the 
tent  which  had  been  pointed  out  to  him  for  his  use, 
he  was  seized  and  put  in  chains.  The  citizens  of 
Granada  now  came  out  in  a  body  to  offer  their  sub- 
mission, and  Yusuf  entered  the  city  amid  general 
acclamations.  His  first  measures  were  to  abolish 
all  uncanonical  taxes,  and  to  divide  among  his  fol- 
lowers the  immense  treasures  which  the  princes  of 
the  house  of  Ibn-Badis  had  stored  up  in  the  palace. 

The  petty  princes  of  Andalus  must  indeed  have 
been  afflicted  with  the  blindness  that  is  said  to  pre- 
cede destruction,  if  they  did  not  now  foresee  the  fate 
that  was  about  to  overtake  them.  But  they  came 
in  person  to  congratulate  the  victor.  Al-mutamed 
was  actually  foolish  enough  to  hope  that  Yusuf  would 
hand  over  Granada  to  his  son  Ar-radhi  as  compensa- 
tion for  Algeciras,  which  still  remained  in  the  Al- 
moravide's  hands.  Yusuf's  patience  was  at  an  end. 
All  his  politeness  towards  the  susceptible  kinglets 
now  vanished,  to  be  replaced  by  open  contempt.  Al- 
mutamed  and  Al-mutawakkel,  King  of  Badajoz, 
hastened  back  in  consternation  to  their  own  do- 
minions. Repenting  of  the  mistake  they  had  made 
in  bringing  over  the  Almoravides,  they  entered  into 
a  compact  with  their  neighbours  to  furnish  neither 
troops  nor  provisions  to  the  foreigners,  and  set  about 
a  desperate  negotiation  for  alliance  with  Alfonso  of 
Castille. 

Meanwhile  Yusuf  had  begun  to  exercise  the  author- 
ity conferred  on  him  by  the  decree  of  t\\Q  faguihs.  He 
deposed  Temin,  King  of  Malaga,  and  brother  of  the 
imprisoned  Abdu-1-lah  of  Granada.     This  proved  so 


1092]  Conquests  of  the  Almoravides,  209 

easy  a  task  that  Yusuf  was  content,  after  fulfilling  it, 
to  return  once  more  to  Africa,  leaving  behind  him  a 
force  which  he  considered  sufificient  for  the  reduc- 
tion of  Spain  ;  for  by  this  time  he  had  not  only 
been  freed  by  the  clergy  from  all  the  engagements 
he  might  have  entered  into  with  the  Moslem  princes, 
but  had  been  solemnly  commanded  to  undertake 
the  liberation  of  the  Faithful  from  their  tyrannical 
rulers.  The  reasons  for  the  ban  of  excommunication 
and  deposition  issued  against  the  Emirs  were  set 
forth  at  length,  making  a  goodly  show.  They  were 
held  up  to  reproach  as  debauched  and  impious  liber- 
tines, who  by  their  evil  example  had  perverted  and 
corrupted  the  people,  making  them  indifferent  to 
sacred  things  and  to  the  formal  precepts  of  religion. 
They  were  justly  charged  with  having  raised  illegal 
taxes,  and  with  having  exacted  payment,  in  spite  of 
Yusuf's  order  for  their  abolition.  They  were  de- 
clared to  have  forfeited  all  right  to  reign  over  Mos- 
lems by  concluding  an  alliance  with  Alfonso,  the 
most  bitter  enemy  of  their  faith.  So  convinced  were 
XhQ  faquihs  of  the  justice  of  their  sentence,  that  they 
concluded  by  making  themselves  responsible  before 
God  for  its  consequences.  "  We  take  upon  our- 
selves," they  said,  *'  to  answer  before  God  for  this 
act.  If  we  are  wrong,  we  agree  to  bear  in  the  world 
to  come  the  penalty  of  our  conduct,  and  we  declare 
that  you.  Commander  of  the  Faithful,  are  not  re- 
sponsible for  it.  But  we  believe  that  if  you  leave 
them  (the  Princes  of  Andalus)  in  peace,  you  will 
deliver  our  land  to  the  infidel  and,  should  this  hap- 
pen, you  will  have  to  give  account  to  God  for  your 


2IO  The  Cid.  [1086- 

inactivity."  The  indisputable  authority  of  this  docu- 
ment was  still  further  confirmed  by  the  adhesion  of 
the  religious  authorities  of  northern  Africa  and  of 
Egypt.  Their  letters  of  advice  and  encouragement 
addressed  to  Yusuf  gave  to  the  war  that  was  about 
to  break  out  the  character  of  a  crusade. 

The  Almoravide  general,  Seyr  Ibn-Abu-Bekr,  whom 
Yusuf  had  left  in  command,  lost  no  time  in  setting 
about  the  fulfilment  of  his  commission.  He  divided 
his  army  into  several  parts  in  order  to  extend  his 
operations,  for  he  knew  that  the  Andalusians  would 
neither  combine  their  forces  nor  dare  to  meet  him 
in  the  open  field.  During  the  very  autumn  in  which 
Yusuf  returned  to  Africa  he  took  Tarifa.  The  spring 
of  the  next  year  saw  the  fall  of  Cordova,  where  Al- 
fath,  son  of  Al-mutamed,  commanded.  The  inhabit- 
ants made  no  resistance,  but  readily  gave  up  the  city 
to  the  invaders  who  came  as  the  declared  champions 
of  the  people.  Al-fath  was  slain  whilst  attempting  to 
make  his  escape  by  cutting  his  way  through  the  lines 
of  the  enemy.  In  May,  Carmona  was  taken  by  the 
Almoravides  ;  and  shortly  afterwards  Seville,  the  gem 
of  Andalus,  was  invested  by  a  strong  force. 

Al-mutamed  defended  himself  vigorously.  ^He 
knew  that  he  could  not  hope  to  hold  out  long  un- 
aided ;  but  he  placed  his  hopes  on  the  King  of  Cas- 
tille,  whose  warlike  reputation  stood  high,  and  who 
had  regained  at  Aledo  the  reputation  he  had  lost  by 
his  crushing  defeat  at  Zalaca.  The  story  that  Al- 
fonso had  married  a  daughter  of  Al-mutamed  has 
been  mentioned  ;  but  it  w^as  in  all  probability  policy, 
rather  than  any  personal  affection  for  the  King  of 


10921  Conquests  of  the  Almoravides.  211 

Seville,  that  induced  him  to  lend  his  aid  to  attempt 
to  check  the  tide  which  was  rapidly  overflowing  the 
south,  and  would,  as  he  saw,  soon  break  into  his 
dominions.  In  response  to  Al-mutamed's  appeal,  he 
sent  a  force  under  the  brave  and  experienced  Alvar 
Fanez  for  the  relief  of  the  city.  This  force  never 
reached  its  destination.  The  Almoravide  general 
had  tidings  of  its  approach,  and  sent  out  a  detach- 
ment to  meet  it.  It  was  utterly  defeated  near  Almo- 
dovar  before  it  had  even  crossed  the  Sierra  Morena. 
The  news  of  this  reverse  was  calculated  to  crush 
Al-mutamed's  last  hope ;  but  he  struggled  on  man- 
fully, encouraged  at  one  moment,  and  then  again 
driven  to  despair  by  the  auguries  and  divinations  to 
which  he  had  recourse  rather  than  to  the  consola- 
tions of  his  religion.  The  defence  of  the  city  was 
intrusted  to  his  son  Ar-rashid,  and  it  might  still 
have  been  held  for  some  time  but  for  treachery 
within  the  walls.  At  the  beginning  of  September  a 
body  of  the  besiegers,  with  the  connivance  of  the 
malcontents,  made  their  way  into  the  city.  Al-mu- 
tamed  now  roused  himself  from  the  mournful  leth- 
argy in  which  he  had  been  plunged.  Resolved  to 
die  like  a  king,  he  mounted  his  horse,  and  fell  upon 
the  enemy  wath  great  spirit.  But  the  end  was  not 
yet  come,  and  the  Epicurean  poet-king  was  still  sep- 
arated by  years  of  misery  from  the  inglorious  death 
he  was  fated  to  die  as  an  exile  and  a  captive.  The 
storming  party  was  driven  from  the  city,  but  the 
slight  success  thus  gained  was  more  than  outweighed 
by  a  disaster  that  befel  the  besieged  on  the  same 
day.     This  was  the  burning  of  their  fleet,  which  had 


212  The  Old. 


[1086- 


hitherto  successfully  withstood  all  attempts  to  ap- 
proach the  city  by  the  river,  and  had  kept  open  the 
invaluable  access  to  the  sea. 

Seville  was  now  practically  defenceless ;  and  when, 
five  days  later,  Seyr  Ibn-Abu-Bekr  brought  up  addi- 
tional forces,  he  had  little  difficulty  in  crushing  by 
superiority  of  numbers  the  brave  resistance  made  by 
the  defenders  of  the  walls.  The  city  was  ruthlessly 
pillaged  ;  and  the  reduction  of  the  Alcazar,  or  citadel, 
where  Al-mutamed  still  held  out,  became  merely  a 
question  of  time.  His  friends  and  wives  urged  him 
to  yield,  but  he  would  not  hear  them.  Death  he 
was  prepared  to  face  again  as  he  had  faced  it  before, 
but  he  dreaded  captivity  and  disgrace.  His  feelings 
on  this,  as  on  other  occasions,  are  embodied  in  his 
verses.  "  When  my  tears,"  he  wrote,  *'  ceased  at 
length  to  flow,  and  some  degree  of  calm  entered 
into  my  torn  heart,  'Yield,'  they  said  to  me,  'it  is 
the  wisest  course.'  'Alas,'  I  replied,  'poison  would 
be  a  sweeter  draught  to  me  than  such  shame  !  Let 
the  barbarians  deprive  me  of  my  kingdom,  and  let 
my  soldiers  abandon  me,  my  courage  and  my  pride 
are  still  with  me.  On  the  day  when  I  swooped 
down  upon  my  enemies  I  wore  no  breast-plate";  I 
went  forth  against  them  with  nothing  but  my  tunic, 
and,  hoping  to  meet  my  death,  I  hurled  myself  into 
the  thickest  of  the  press.'  But  my  hour,  alas  !  had 
not  yet  come." 

Once  more  he  led  his  warriors  in  the  fight,  and 
ag-ain  death  eluded  him.  The  Almoravides  had 
forced  their  way  into  the  court  of  the  Alcazar  when 
the  King  saUied  forth  upon  them.     His  son  Malik 


1092]  Conquests  of  the  Almoravides,  21 


was  killed  at  his  side  ;  but  the  King  himself  came 
out  of  the  affray  without  a  wound,  after  thrusting 
back  his  assailants  into  the  river.  It  was  left  to  him 
now  to  choose  between  suicide  and  submission. 
From  the  former  of  the  alternatives  he  was  debarred 
by  his  religious  scruples,  so  he  sent  his  son  Ar- 
rashid  by  night  to  demand  terms  of  the  Almoravide. 
He  returned  without  having  even  succeeded  in 
obtaining  an  audience.  Seeing  that  further  resist- 
ance would  serve  only  to  exasperate  those  who 
counted  him  as  already  in  their  power,  Al-mutamed 
bade  a  sorrowful  adieu  to  his  family,  and  to  the 
heroic  band  which  had  aided  him  to  defend  his  cita- 
del. Accompanied  by  his  son  Ar-rashid,  he  gave 
himself  up  to  the  Almoravide.  His  own  life  and  the 
lives  of  his  family  were  spared  on  condition  that  the 
two  of  his  sons  who  still  held  out  in  Ronda  and 
Mertola  would  at  once  deliver  up  those  fortresses. 
Al-mutadd,  wrought  upon  by  the  piteous  letters  of 
his  father  and  of  his  mother,  Itimad,  did  as  he  was 
bidden.  On  handing  over  Mertola,  he  was  at  once 
deprived  of  the  possession  of  certain  property  for 
the  security  of  which  he  had  stipulated.  His  brother 
Ar-radhi  met  with  a  still  harsher  fate.  Ronda  was 
impregnable  and  well  provisioned,  so  he  hesitated 
to  give  it  up  at  first.  Finally,  however,  the  consid- 
eration of  the  misery  that  his  refusal  would  bring 
upon  his  family  induced  him  to  surrender.  He  was 
treacherously  assassinated  by  the  Almoravide  com- 
mander, who  was  desirous  thus  to  escape  the  fulfil- 
ment of  the  honourable  conditions  which  the  prince 
had  made  for  himself  and  his  men. 


214  ^^^^  ^^^'  [1086- 

Al-mutamed  was  carried  to  Tangiers,  thence  to 
Mequines,  and  finally  to  the  city  of  Aghmal  near 
Morocco,  where  he  lived  in  the  most  abject  poverty 
and  misery.  The  health  of  his  wife,  Itimad,  the 
brilliant  Sultana  of  former  days,  had  broken  down, 
and  it  was  only  by  the  unceasing  menial  toil  of  their 
daughters  that  the  pair  were  provided  with  the 
barest  necessaries  of  life.  With  characteristic  and 
reckless  generosity  Al-mutamed  had  distributed  to 
the  poets  who  visited  him  in  his  exile  the  few  gold 
pieces  that  he  had  been  permitted  to  carry  with  him 
to  Africa.  The  verses  in  which  he  lamented  his 
changed  fortunes  are  among  the  most  beautiful  and 
touching  of  their  kind,  speaking,  as  they  do,  from  a 
generous  and  broken  heart. 

Once  only — a  year  before  its  close  (1094)  — was  Al- 
mutamed's  dull  life  lit  up  by  a  gleam  of  hope.  A 
rebellion  against  the  coarse  and  barbarous  Almora- 
vides  and  their  harsh  religious  advisers  broke  out 
among  the  richer  citizens  at  Malaga.  After  their 
first  success, — the  seizure  of  the  castle  of  Monte- 
mayor, — these  few  bold  spirits  were  joined  by  Al- 
mutamed's  son  Abdu-1-jabbar.  The  news  reached 
Africa,  and  the  hope  that  the  spark  might  kindle  a 
greater  fire  was  encouraged  by  the  knowledge  that 
discontent  was  daily  spreading  throughout  Anda- 
lusia. This  hope  was  ill-founded,  but  Al-mutamed 
was  not  to  suffer  from  its  extinction.  He  died  in 
1095  ;  and  one  year  later  his  son,  the  survivor  of  a 
heroic  band  of  brothers,  was  forced  to  submit. 
"  When  he  was  buried,"  says  Al-makkari, ''  at  Aghmal, 
and  the  funeral  service  was  read  over  his  tomb,  the 


1092 


Conquests  of  the  Almoravides.  2 1 5 


prayer  of  the  stranger  was  chanted  as  though  he  had 
been  an  adventurer,  without  regard  either  to  the 
nobility  of  his  birth,  or  the  extent  of  his  empire, 
or  the  splendour  and  magnificence  of  his  court,  or  to 
his  having  ruled  over  Seville  and  its  districts,  Cor- 
dova and  its  Az-zahra." 

Al-mutamed  was  not  a  great  conqueror  nor  a 
particularly  wise  ruler.  He  brought  on  his  country 
one  of  its  greatest  misfortunes  by  introducing  the 
Almoravides ;  yet  his  fame  lasted  long  among  his 
countrymen,  unobscured  by  the  misfortunes  that 
overtook  him  in  the  end.  He  is  a  representative  type 
of  the  cultivated  Arab  prince,  and,  excepting  the  mili- 
tary fame  of  Abdu-r-rahman,  possessed  in  a  marked 
degree  the  qualities  most  admired  by  his  compatriots. 
He  was  personally  fearless  and  profusely  generous, 
his  behaviour  was  frank  and  unassuming,  and  his 
heart  was  open  to  love  and  to  friendship.  He  sum- 
med up  in  his  person  the  culture  of  his  time,  and  his 
picturesque  figure  and  light-hearted  hedonism  con- 
trast sharply  with  the  earnest  severity  of  the  Chris- 
tian Spaniards  by  whose  side  he  stands  in  the  pages 
of  history. 

Thus  the  Andalusian  princes  fell  one  by  one,  until 
at  last,  in  1092,  Alfonso  prepared  to  make  a  mighty 
effort  to  save  from  the  Almoravides  the  provinces 
that  were  still  unconquered.  He  did  not  directly 
invite  the  Cid's  co-operation,  but  he  allowed  the 
Queen  and  the  Cid's  friends  at  Court  to  send  letters 
assuring  him  of  the  royal  favour  if  he  would  lend 
his  aid  to  the  projected  expedition.  These  messages 
reached  the  Cid  at  a  very  inopportune  moment :  he 


2i6  The  Cid.  [IO86- 


was  engaged  in  reducing  the  castle  of  Liria,  the  only 
place  that  resisted  his  authority  after  agreeing  to 
pay  tribute.  The  position  was  a  strong  one  ;  but  al- 
ready the  blockade  had  been  going  on  for  some 
time,  hunger  and  thirst  were  doing  their  work,  and 
the  Cid  knew  that  the  stubborn  resistance  of  the 
garrison  could  not  be  continued  much  longer.  A 
reconciliation  with  Alfonso  was,  however,  more  im- 
portant than  the  momentary  loss  of  a  place  which, 
even  when  taken,  could  not  contribute  any  large  sum 
to  the  treasury.  It  is  probable  also  that  the  Cid  saw 
in  the  summons  sent  to  him  a  kind  of  test  of  his 
loyalty.  If  this  time  he  were  found  wanting,  his 
enemies  would  surely  point  to  his  conduct  as  a  proof 
of  what  they  had  alleged  falsely  against  him  on  a 
similar  occasion.  So  Liria  was  spared  for  a  while, 
and  the  Cid  marched  to  join  the  King. 

The  junction  of  the  two  forces  was  effected  with- 
out mishap.  They  met  at  Martos,  a  few  miles  west  of 
Jaen.  The  King,  to  show  his  gladness  at  the  Cid's 
arrival,  did  him  the  honour  of  marching  out  to  wel- 
come him.  They  met  in  friendship,  and  again  it 
looked  as  if  the  reconciliation  between  the  two  great 
leaders  on  the  Christian  side  were  complete.  But  if 
formerly  the  Cid  had  erred  through  tardiness  and 
lukewarm  interest,  he  now  equally  brought  the  jeal- 
ous King's  disfavour  on  himself  by  over-eagerness 
and  want  of  manners.  The  two  armies  moved  di- 
rectly southward  in  the  direction  of  Granada,  the 
capture  of  which  was  the  first  object  of  the  expedi- 
tion. When  the  camping-ground  was  reached  at 
night,  Alfonso  with    military  prudence  pitched  his 


1092]  Alfo7iso  and  the  Cid  Unite.  2 1  7 

tents  on  some  heights  ;  while  the  Cid,  intending,  we 
must  suppose,  to  show  his  zeal  in  the  King's  service 
and  his  anxiety  to  defend  him  even  at  his  own  risk, 
took  up  his  position  in  the  plain  below.  Many  jeal- 
ous eyes  were  ready  to  spy  out  the  least  error  in  his 
conduct,  and  to  put  the  worst  interpretation  on  his 
smallest  failing.  The  King  was  well  known  to  be 
proud  of  his  great  and  well-deserved  fame  as  a  sol- 
dier. Hisjealousy  was  skilfully  worked  upon  by  those 
around  him  till  he  was  heard  to  exclaim,  *'  Look  and 
see  how  great  a  shame  Rodrigo  is  putting  upon 
us !  To-day  he  arrived  after  us,  seemingly  worn  out 
and  weary  with  his  long  journey,  already  he  is  before 
us  and  has  pitched  his  tents  in  the  van."  Immedi- 
ately all  were  loud  in  condemnation  of  the  Cid's 
outrageous  presumption. 

For  a  time  the  King  nursed  his  anger.  He  could 
hardly  dare,  in  the  face  of  the  enemy,  to  quarrel  with 
the  leader  on  whom  his  hopes  of  victory  so  largely 
depended.  These  hopes  were  not  fulfilled,  and  mili- 
tary reverses  increased  the  King's  anger.  A  battle 
was  fought  with  the  Almoravide  troops  in  which  the 
Christians  seemed  at  first  likely  to  win  the  day  ;  but 
the  enemy  rallied,  and  Alfonso,  escaping  with  only 
part  of  his  army,  marched  back  gloomily  on  his  way 
to  Toledo.^  At  Ubeda,  in  the  upper  valley  of  the 
Guadalquivir,  all  his  pent-up  wrath  burst  violently 
forth.  The  Cid's  camp  lay  close  by  the  King's  ;  the 
two  met ;  and  the  King,  losing  all  control  over  him- 

*  Some  accounts  say  that  the  combined  forces  of  the  King  and 
Cid  were  victorous.  The  fact  of  their  speedy  return  without  having 
effected  their  purpose  is  enough  to  disprove  this. 


2i8  The  Cid.  [IO86- 

self,  publicly  and  bitterly  reproached  the  Cid  for  his 
conduct  in  the  matter  of  the  position  of  the  camps, 
and  for  many  other  things  whereof  he  had  been  ac- 
cused by  his  enemies.  The  Cid  bore  patiently  the 
harsh  words  heaped  upon  him.  On  his  return  to  his 
tent,  he  was  informed  that  the  King  had  actually 
given  orders  for  his  arrest.  The  report  may  have 
merely  been  a  trick  of  the  Cid's  enemies  in  order  to 
get  rid  of  him,  but  it  was  not  safe  to  wait.  When 
night  came,  the  Cid  stole  out  from  his  camp,  accom- 
panied by  a  few  of  his  most  faithful  followers.  They 
made  their  way  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Valencia, 
where  they  were  sure  of  a  friendly  reception.  The 
rest  of  the  army  that  had  marched  with  the  Cid  from 
Liria  decided  to  join  the  King  rather  than  become 
involved  in  the  charges  of  treason  that  were  so  rashly 
made  against  its  leader. 

Whilst  Alfonso  withdrew  irritated  to  Toledo,  the 
Cid  made  his  way  with  difificulty  to  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Valencia,  and  again  set  to  work  to  build  up 
the  fabric  of  his  fortunes.  It  is  true  that  Alfonso 
had  afforded  him  no  direct  aid  in  carrying  on  his 
conquests  in  the  east ;  but,  so  long  as  he  was  nomi- 
nally at  peace  with  the  most  powerful  of  his  feHow- 
countrymen,  such  of  his  enemies  as  were  in  alliance 
with  the  King  dared  not  act  openly  against  him. 
When  Alfonso  declared  him  a  traitor,  the  Cid  be- 
came an  outlaw  and  a  freebooter  whom  anybody 
might  attack.  He  was,  however,  not  unused  to  sud- 
den reverses  of  fortune,  and  was  quite  capable  of  pro- 
tecting his  interests. 

His  first  step  was  to  secure  Valencia,  together  with 


1092]  Alfonso  and  the  Cid  Unite.  2 1 9 

the  towns  and  fortresses  that  had  once  been  held  by 
its  rulers,  for  on  them  depended  the  income  which 
enabled  him  to  carry  on  continual  warfare.  Ac- 
cordingly he  rebuilt  the  strong  fortress  of  Penacatel, 
which  had  been  utterly  destroyed  by  the  Saracens. 
When  he  had  made  the  place  practically  inpregnable, 
he  left  in  it  a  sufificient  garrison  and  ample  provisions 
for  a  siege  ;  and,  passing  through  the  territory  of  Va- 
lencia with  the  rest  of  his  forces,  he  came  to  his  old 
haunts  in  the  mountains  of  Morella,  where  he  spent 
Christmas.  He  was,  as  we  have  said,  openly  at  war 
with  Alfonso  ;  and  accordingly,  when  an  offer  was 
made  to  deliver  into  his  hands  the  castle  of  Borja 
near  Tudela  on  the  Navarrese  frontier,  he  prepared 
to  take  advantage  of  it.  On  his  westward  march  he 
was  met  by  messengers  from  Al-mustain,  King  of 
Saragossa,  wdio  besought  aid  for  their  master,  the 
Cid's  old  ally,  now  sorely  beset  by  King  Sancho  of 
Aragon. 

The  prospect  thus  held  out,  of  a  more  profitable 
campaign,  for  a  time  turned  the  Cid  aside  from  his 
designs  on  the  dominions  of  the  Castillian  King.  He 
did  not,  however,  declare  that  the  purpose  of  his  ex- 
pedition was  changed,  but  approached  Saragossa  as 
though  he  would  pass  it  by  on  his  march.  The  citi- 
zens,  remembering  the  peaceful  days  they  had  en- 
joyed under  his  protection,  sent  out  a  deputation 
beseeching  him  to  accept  Al-mustain's  proffered  alli- 
ance. An  interview  between  the  two  took  place  ;  and 
the  Cid,  after  years  of  absence,  was  once  more  in- 
stalled in  his  former  position  as  protector  of  the  city. 
He  now  learned  that  the  promise  to  hand  over  the 


2  20  The  Cid.  [1086- 

castle  of  Borja  had  been  merely  a  trick  to  withdraw 
him  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Valencia,  for  Alfonso 
still  hoped  to  seize  that  tempting  prey  as  his  own. 

The  Cid  had  certainly  been  outwitted,  but,  seeing 
the  course  events  were  taking,  he  had  no  reason  to 
murmur.  After  spending  a  few  days  with  Al-mus- 
tain,  he  led  out  his  troops  against  Sancho  of  Aragon 
and  his  son  Pedro,  who  were  encamped  with  a  large 
force  near  Fraga.  It  looked  as  if  a  great  battle  were 
about  to  be  fought,  which  would  leave  the  victor  in 
undisputed  possession  of  the  whole  of  the  north-east 
of  Spain.  But  the  armies  never  met  ;  for  Sancho, 
considering  probably  the  folly  of  weakening  the 
Christian  cause  whilst  the  Almoravides  were  still  at 
their  gates,  made  overtures  of  peace.  They  were 
gladly  received  by  the  Cid,  and  through  his  media- 
tion Sancho  was  induced  to  lay  aside  his  schemes 
against  Saragossa,  and  to  make  peace  with  its  King. 
The  Aragonese  returned  to  their  own  country,  and 
the  Cid  to  Saragossa. 

Alfonso  meanwhile  was  giving  all  his  thoughts  to 
a  rash  plan,  whereby  he  hoped  to  get  possession  of 
Valencia,  and  at  the  same  time  to  punish  the  Cid  for 
the  offence  of  which  he  held  him  guilty.  Wofsted 
in  the  south,  he  prepared  to  attack  the  feebler  east 
by  sea  and  land  at  the  same  time.  He  had  no  ships 
of  his  own  in  the  Mediterranean,  but  he  entered  into 
an  agreement  with  the  maritime  republics  of  Genoa 
and  Pisa  in  order  to  remedy  this  defect.  It  was  ar- 
ranged that  the  fleet  and  army  should  meet  at  Tor- 
tosa,  against  which  the  first  attack  was  to  be  directed. 
Alfonso's  part   of   the  plan  was  punctually  carried 


1092]  Alfonso  and  the  Cid  Unite.  221 

out,  but  his  maritime  allies  failed  him.  They  ap- 
peared off  the  coast  with  a  fleet  of  four  hundred  sail, 
but  suddenly  withdrew  again  for  reasons  that  we  do 
not  know. 

Nevertheless  Alfonso  sent  a  summons  to  the  Emirs 
who  paid  tribute  to  the  Cid,  commanding  them  to 
pay  it  in  future  to  himself,  and  fixing  their  contribu- 
tions at  five  times  the  amount  that  the  freebooter 
had  extorted.  This  exorbitant  demand  naturally 
roused  all  those  to  whom  it  was  addressed  to  an 
active  resistance.  In  spite  of  the  silence  of  some 
chroniclers  and  the  direct  denial  of  others,  Alfonso's 
actions  are  sufficient  to  prove  that  he  suffered  a  re- 
verse. After  besieging  Tortosa  for  a  few  days,  he 
lost  all  hopes  of  success,  and  returned  hastily  to 
Toledo.  Some  say  that  he  had  received  alarming 
news  from  the  north  ;  and  no  improbability  is  involved 
in  the  statement  of  an  Arabic  chronicler  that  his  re- 
treat was  caused  by  the  action  of  the  Cid,  who  was 
threatening  his  dominions.  After  Alfonso's  depart- 
ure, the  fleet  of  his  allies  again  approached  the  coast  ; 
but  finding  themselves  unsupported,  and  alarmed 
by  the  reported  approach  of  the  King  of  Aragon 
with  a  powerful  army  bent  on  resisting  what  he  con- 
sidered as  an  encroachment  on  his  dominions,  they 
set  sail  for  their  own  country. 

When  news  came  to  the  Cid  at  Saragossa  that  Al- 
fonso was  making  war  upon  his  tributaries  and  at- 
tempting to  wrest  from  him  his  hard-won  conquests, 
he  sought  at  first  to  turn  the  King  from  his  purpose  by 
fair  words  and  protestations  of  good-will.  Finding, 
however,  that  these  were  disregarded,  he  adopted 


222  The  Cid.  1086- 

more  energetic  measures.  If  no  diversion  were 
created,  he  feared  that  Valencia  would  fall  into  the 
power  of  one  or  other  of  his  enemies  ;  and  he  adopted 
a  plan  whereby  he  hoped  to  withdraw  Alfonso's 
forces  from  the  coast,  and  at  the  same  time  to  take 
vengeance  on  Garcia  de  Cabra,  called  by  the  gleemen 
el  Crespo  de  Graiion,  the  most  determined  and 
powerful  of  his  enemies.  The  Code  enacted  that  an 
exiled  vassal  might  renounce  his  allegiance  and  make 
war  upon  his  former  lord  (see  Appendix  11.)  Of  this 
provision  the  Cid  availed  himself,  and,  getting  to- 
gether at  Saragossa  an  army  largely  made  up  of 
Moslems,  he  made  a  sudden  inroad  into  the  districts 
of  Calahorra  and  Najera,  of  which  Garcia  de  Cabra 
was  governor.  His  course  was  marked  by  fire  and 
bloodshed  of  the  most  ruthless  kind.  The  land  was 
giv^en  up  to  be  plundered  by  his  fierce  troops. 
Logrono  fell  into  his  hands  and  found  no  mercy. 
Alfaro  was  entered  by  storm  and  met  with  the  same 
fate. 

Whilst  the  Cid  lingered  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  latter  place,  he  received  a  message  from  Garcia 
de  Cabra  and  all  his  kin,  bidding  him  name  a  place 
and  day  on  which  their  quarrel  might  be  decided  by 
a  pitched  battle.  They  demanded  a  delay  of  seven 
days  in  order  to  enable  them  to  assemble  their  forces 
from  all  the  districts  between  Zamora  and  Pamplona. 
During  this  short  interval  a  considerable  body  of 
troops  was  got  together,  and  pushed  forward  as  far 
as  Alberite,  which  the  Cid  had  left  in  ruins.  Here 
it  suddenly  dispersed  without  giving  battle.  The 
chroniclers  are  probably  right  in  attributing  this  dis- 


1092] 


Alfonso  and  the  Cid  Unite, 


223 


graceful  retreat  to  fear  of  the  Cid.  He  had  now  still 
further  increased  his  reputation  for  boldness  by  his 
signal  success  against  the  most  powerful  noble  of  his 
time,  for  Garcia  de  Cabra  was  dreaded  even  by  Al- 
fonso himself.  After  a  quarrel  the  cause  of  which 
we  do  not  know,  the  King  had  found  it  prudent  to 
attach  the  great  vassal  to. the  royal  house  by  giving 
him  in  marriage  his  own  cousin  Urraca,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Garcia,  King  of  Navarre. 

That  Alfonso  was  not  the  man  to  allow  his  domin- 
ions and  a  member  of  his  family  to  be  thus  insulted, 
the  Cid  was  well  aware.  So,  after  waiting  the  seven 
days  agreed  upon,  and  receiving  tidings  that  the  King 
was  on  his  way  back  from  Tortosa,  he  completed  his 
work  of  destruction  on  the  now  deserted  district,  and, 
leaving  it  a  wilderness,  returned  to  Saragossa.  He 
was  received  with  immense  honour,  and  remained 
many  days  in  peace,  employing  his  troops  the  while 
in  gathering  in  the  vintage  of  such  districts  in  the 
neighbourhood  as  did  not  belong  to  King  Al-mustain. 
He  was  awaiting  some  attempt  on  Alfonso's  part  to 
avenge  his  incursion  into  Castille.  News  from  Va- 
lencia, and  the  rapid  advance  of  the  Almoravides, 
roused  him  once  more  from  his  inactivity. 


COIN    OF    SANCHO    RAMIREZ    OF    ARAGON,     1063-1094. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE     REVOLUTION    AT     VALENCIA  ;      IBN-JEHAF    AS 
GOVERNOR  ;    THE   FIRST   SIEGE. 

IO92-IO93. 

THE  Cid,  when  he  abandoned  the  siege  of  Liria, 
had  left  as  his  representatives  at  Valencia  his 
political  agent  Ibn-Al-faraj,  called  by  the 
Spanish  chroniclers  Abenalfarax,  and  an  intendant 
{iiiayor-dovio)  charged  with  the  collection  of  his 
tribute.  There  were  also  present  in  the  city  a  com- 
missioner and  forty^knights, — subjects  of  the  King  of 
Aragon,  and  representing  their  master's  claim.  The 
suburb  of  Alcudia,*  too,  w^as  held  by  a  detachment 
of  Aragonese.  When  the  citizens  heard  that  the  Cid 
was  apparently  fully  taken  up  with  his  own  quarrel 
and  in  protecting  Al-mustain  in  the  north,  and^that 
the  rapidly  advancing  Almoravides  had  captured 
Denia  and  Murcia,  they  thought  that  the  time  had 
come  to  cast  off  their  heavy  yoke.  Their  schemes 
were  w^ell  known  to  Ibn-Al-faraj  ;  but  he  had  no 
troops  at  his  disposal,  and  could  only  stand  by  the 

*  The  position  of  Alcudia  is  doubtful  ;  but  it  probably  lay  just 
outside  the  walls  of  Valencia,  where  the  ground  rises  slightly,  on  the 
east  of  the  city. 

224 


1092-93]       The  Revolution  at  Valefzcia.  225 

feeble  Yahya,  and  await  the  arrival  of  his  master, 
whom  he  had  informed  by  letter  of  the  disturbed 
state  of  public  feeling. 

The  head  of  the  revolutionary  movement  was  Ibn- 
Jehaf,  the  hereditary  Kadi  of  Valencia.  This  man, 
seeing  the  utter  weakness  of  the  King,  whom  he  de- 
tested, formed  a  design  of  seizing  the  supreme  power. 
He  modelled  his  conduct,  says  Ibn-Bessam,  writing 
after  his  downfall,  on  that  of  the  thief  who  finds  a 
favourable  opportunity  for  exercising  his  callin'g  when 
the  market  is  in  an  uproar.  He  wished  to  obtain  the 
government  by  deceiving  both  parties  (the  Cid  and 
the  Almoravides) ;  but  he  had  forgotten  the  story  of 
the  fox  and  the  two  ibexes,  and  how,  leaving  their 
own  quarrel,  they  united  against  the  common  enemy. 

His  plans  were,  however,  skilfully  laid.  He  won 
over  to  his  cause  the  governor  of  Alcira ;  and  the 
two  together  sent  a  message  to  Ibn-Ayisha,  called 
by  the  chronicles  Abenaxa,  general  of  the  Almora- 
vide  army,  promising  to  deliver  up  Valencia  to  him  if 
he  would  aid  them  to  drive  out  Yahya,  whom  they 
represented  very  truly  as  the  mere  tool  and  tax-gath- 
erer of  the  Cid.  Ibn-Ayisha  received  their  proposal 
favourably,  and,  after  Alcira  had  been  surrendered  to 
him  as  a  guaranty  of  good  faith,  marched  towards 
Valencia,  the  dependent  castles  throwing  open  their 
gates  to  him.  Surrounded  by  enemies,  the  wretched 
Yahya,  who  was  just  recovering  from  a  severe  illness, 
was  at  a  loss  what  to  do.  He  at  last  took  the  advice 
of  Ibn-Al-faraj,  and  the  two  retired  together  into  the 
Alcazar,  after  informing  the  Cid  of  their  perilous  po- 
sition, and  placing  his  treasure  and  part  of  their  own 

IS 


2  26  The  Cid. 


[1092- 


property  in  safety  by  sending  it  to  Segorbe  and  Olo- 
cau.  All  the  resident  Christians  now  abandoned 
Valencia.  Even  the  King  and  Ibn-Al-faraj  were  only 
awaiting  news  of  the  Cid  before  setting  out  to  rejoin 
their  treasures.  Suddenly  even  the  hope  of  escape 
was  extinguished.  One- morning  they  were  aroused 
by  a  roll  of  drums,  sounding,  says  the  chronicler,  *'  like 
five  hundred  men,"  at  the  Tudela  gate  of  the  city. 
The  din  was  caused  by  forty  Almoravides  under  the 
command  of  their  captain,  Abu-Nasir.  They  had  set 
out  from  Alcira  the  night  before,  for  the  purpose  of 
reconnoitring  the  city  and  finding  out  if  those  who 
had  promised  to  open  the  gates  would  really  be  able 
and  willing  to  do  so.  As  yet  they  were  not.  Yahya, 
backed  by  Ibn-Al-faraj,  was  still  powerful  enough  to 
cause  the  gates  to  be  closed  and  a  fairly  efificient 
garrison  to  be  thrown  into  the  Alcazar. 

On  the  appearance  of  the  Almoravides  Ibn-Jehaf, 
making  no  longer  a  secret  of  his  revolutionary  inten- 
tions, appeared  as  ringleader  of  the  riot  that  took 
place  within  the  city.  Ibn-Al-faraj,  acting  in  Yahya's 
name,  made  a  bold  attempt  to  seize  him.  The  party 
of  soldiers  sent  for  this  purpose  found  his  house 
closed,  and  loudly  called  upon  him  to  surrerider ; 
but  he  was  convinced  that  he  could  hope  for  no 
mercy,  and  preferred  a  desperate  resistance  to  a 
traitor's  death.  While  he  still  held  out,  a  mob  of 
his  partisans  assembled,  and,  beating  off  the  King's 
soldiers,  led  him  in  triumph  to  the  ^/<:^^rt:r,  where  he 
now  in  his  turn  hoped  to  make  Yahya  and  his  adviser 
prisoners.  The  whole  city  was  in  a  tumult ;  and  the 
populace,  after  a  vain  attempt  to  break  through  the 


1093]  The  Revolution  at  Valencia,  227 

guard  which  still  held  the  gate,  hoisted  the  little  Al- 
moravide  force  into  the  city  by  means  of  ropes 
thrown  from  the  walls.  Ibn-Al-faraj  was  by  this 
time  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  his  worst  enemy, 
wondering  how  long  his  life  would  be  spared. 

As  for  the  unhappy  Yahya,  his  only  thought  amid 
the  uproar  had  been  to  find  a  means  of  escape. 
Dressed  as  a  woman,  and  bearing  about  his  person 
some  of  the  most  valuable  of  the  splendid  jewels 
which  form  the  treasure  of  Eastern  princes,  he  hur- 
ried from  his  palace  just  before  it  was  broken  into 
and  pillaged  by  the  mob.  He  took  refuge  in  a  house 
of  mean  appearance,  situated  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
city.  His  progress  had  probably  been  checked  by 
closed  gates,  and  he  awaited  a  more  favourable  op- 
portunity to  continue  his  flight.  He  was  not  long 
left  undisturbed.  As  soon  as  Ibn-Jehaf  knew  that  he 
had  disappeared  from  the  palace,  and  was  in  hiding 
somewhere  within  the  city,  he  caused  an  organised 
search  to  be  made.  This  was  successful,  and  after 
seizing  his  person  the  Kadi  sought  means  to  possess 
himself  of  Yahya's  jewels.  These  were  well  worthy 
of  his  covetousness,  for  among  them  was  the  cele- 
brated necklace  known  as  the  "  collar  of  lentils  "  from 
the  size  and  shape  of  the  emeralds  of  which  it  was 
formed.  It  had  originally  belonged  to  Zobaida,  wife 
of  Harun  Ar-Rashid.  After  the  death  of  the  son  of 
the  merry  Khalif,  it  had  been  brought  to  Spain, 
where  it  became  the  property  of  Abdu-r-ahman  H., 
and,  passing  down  the  line  of  the  Ummeya  princes, 
it  finally  came  into  the  possession  of  Al-mamun, 
from  whom  Yahya  had  inherited   it.     In  order  to 


228  The  Cid.  [1092- 

gain  possession  of  this  and  other  valuables,  it  was 
necessary  to  slay  Yahya ;  and  the  man  who  had  be- 
trayed him  had  small  scruple  in  adding  murder  to 
his  other  crimes.  Secret  instructions  were  given  to 
the  guard  which  had  been  placed  over  him,  and  at 
nightfall  his  head  was  struck  off  by  one  of  the  many 
who  thirsted  to  do  vengeance  on  him  for  years  of 
misery.  The  murderers  kept  back  some  of  the  jewels 
for  themselves  :  the  rest  they  brought  to  Ibn-Jehaf, 
together  with  the  head  of  their  victim  which  was 
afterwards  cast  into  a  lake  hard  by  the  palace.  As 
for  the  headless  trunk,  it  remained  lying  in  the  street 
near  the  place  where  it  fell,  until  at  dawn  it  was  no- 
ticed by  some  compassionate  persons,  who  covered  it 
with  a  worn-out  horse-cloth,  and,  placing  it  on  a  bier, 
hurried  it  out  of  the  city.  It  was  buried  as  though 
it  had  been  that  of  a  poor  peasant,  without  even  a 
shroud,  at  the  place  where  the  camels  were  accus- 
tomed to  rest  outside  the  walls  of  Valencia. 

The  household  and  some  of  the  principal  partisans 
of  the  murdered  King  were  allowed  to  escape,  to- 
gether with  a  troop  of  soldiers  who  had  been  in  the 
employment  of  the  Cid's  intendant.  Ibn-Al-faraj 
himself  still  remained  a  prisoner.  Of  the  fugitives, 
some  made  their  way  to  Saragossa  to  inform  the  Cid 
of  what  had  happened  ;  others  to  CeboUa,  where  the 
castle  was  held  by  a  governor  appointed  by  Ibn- 
Kasim,  Emir  of  Alpuente.  Within  its  walls  resided 
the  Cid's  alnioxarife,  or  chief  commissioner,  a  Jew 
who  had  long  served  him :  so  those  who  reached  the 
place  imagined  themselves  to  be  now  under  powerful 
protection,     At  first   the  governor   seems — for  the 


1093]  The  Revolution  at  Valencia.  229 

chronicles  are  somewhat  ambiguous  on  this  point — 
to  have  received  the  fugitives  well ;  but  when  once 
he  held  them,  and  the  wealth  they  had  brought, 
safely  within  his  grasp,  he  declared  for  the  revolu- 
tionary government  at  Valencia.  At  this  moment 
the  Cid  arrived,  and  was  refused  admittance.  He 
had  hurried  from  Saragossa,  intending  to  make 
Cebolla  the  basis  of  his  operations  against  Valencia. 
Seeing  how  affairs  stood,  he  was  obliged  to  under- 
take a  siege. 

Meanwhile  Valencia  was  in  no  condition  to  resist 
any  one  who  should  make  a  bold  attack  upon  her. 
Ibn-Jehaf  soon  showed  that  he  was  unfit  for  the 
position  into  which  he  had  so  unscrupulously  thrust 
himself.  ''  Beware  !  "  wrote  Ibn-Tahir,  the  poet, 
when  he  heard  of  Yahya's  murder,  "  Oh  man  with 
one  black  eye  and  one  blue,  for  thou  standest  on 
dangerous  ground,  thou  hast  slain  King  Yahya  and 
hast  donned  his  (royal)  tunic.  The  day  when  thou 
shalt  get  thy  deserts  shall  come,  no  refuge  from  it 
shalt  thou  find."  Authorities  are  agreed  as  to  his 
incompetence.  "  He  found  himself  obliged,"  says 
Ibn-Bessam,  "to  manage  public  affairs  of  which  he 
had  never  realized  the  intricacies  and  difficulties,  to 
direct  the  course  of  administration  while  lacking  the 
assurance  to  boldly  attack  its  problems,  and  to 
thread  his  way  through  the  narrows  of  its  channels. 
He  did  not  know  that  the  government  of  countries 
is  different  from  the  ready  comprehension  of  a  point 
of  law,  and  that  the  marshalling  of  banners  is  differ- 
ent from  weighing  the  value  of  contracts  and  sifting 
evidence  (i,  e.,  the  duties  of  a  Kadi).    He  was  wholly 


The  Cid.  ti092- 


taken  up  with  what  he  had  seized  of  the  remainder 
of  the  treasures  of  the  Ibn-Dzi-n-nun  (Yahya).  These 
made  him  forget  to  collect  troops  and  attend  to  the 
affairs  of  the  provinces."  His  folly  is  described  by 
the  Cronica  General,  which  here  draws  its  informa- 
tion from  Arabic  sources.  ''  So  soon  as  Abenjaf 
(Ibn-Jehaf),  the  Alcaide  of  the  Moors,  saw  himself 
in  possession  of  the  Alcazar,  he  returned  to  his 
house,  and  when  he  perceived  that  all  the  people 
were  on  his  side,  and  that  they  aided  him,  and  were 
obedient  to  his  commands,  and  that  he  held  captive 
Abenfarax  (Ibn-Al-faraj),  the  Cid's  Alguacil,  his 
heart  was  greatly  lifted  up  and  he  was  beside  him- 
self. And  so  highly  did  he  think  of  himself  that  he 
despised  the  Moors  who  were  as  good  as  he  or  bet- 
ter, for  they  possessed  all  the  things  that  he  coveted 
— although  he  was  of  good  family,  and  a  native  of 
Valencia,  and  his  ancestors  had  ever  been  Kadis 
down  to  his  time,  for  they  were  prudent  and  wise 
and  rich  men.  ...  So  he  remained  in  his  house 
as  proud  as  a  king,  caring  not  one  whit  for  any 
other  matter  save  to  build  himself  palaces  and  to 
appoint  guards  to  watch  over  him  day  and  night ; 
and  he  chose  secretaries  from  among  the  wealthy 
citizens  to  be  at  his  side.  And  when  he  rode  forth 
he  took  with  him  many  knights  and  huntsmen  to 
guard  him  like  a  king,  all  bearing  arms.  And  when 
he  passed  through  the  city  on  horseback,  the  women 
raised  shouts  of  acclamation  and  made  great  rejoic- 
ing over  him  and  all  came  forth  to  do  him  honour. 
And  he  was  much  delighted  with  such  vanities  and 
ordered  all  his  actions  like  a  king.     All  this  he  did 


1093]  Ibn-yehaf  as  Governor.  2X\ 


in  order  to  humiliate  a  cousin  of  his  who  had  become 
chief  Kadi  of  the  city  and  was  a  more  prudent  and 
virtuous  man  than  he." 

Such  conduct  was  all  the  more  offensive  to  his 
fellow-citizens,  as  the  government  was  nominally  a 
democratic  one.  Yahya  had  been  murdered  in 
November,  1092  ;  and  the  city,  as  was  usual  in  Mos- 
lem states  after  a  popular  revolution,  had  at  once 
declared  itself  a  republic.  As  a  reward  for  his  sup- 
posed services  in  delivering  the  city  from  the  op- 
pression of  the  King  and  the  Cid,  Ibn-Jehaf  had 
been  made  president.  He  continued  to  indulge  his 
vain  and  weak  character,  aping  royalty,  and  earning 
the  hatred  and  contempt  of  all,  whilst  the  Cid  was  at 
his  gates,  and  the  day  of  reckoning  was  at  hand. 

The  first  warning  came  to  him  in  the  shape  of  an 
ironical  letter  from  Cebolla.  The  writer,  the  Cid, 
was  vigorously  pushing  on  his  siege,  aided  by  the 
many  fugitives  from  Valencia  who  besought  him  to 
avenge  the  death  of  their  former  King.  He  taunted 
Ibn-Jehaf  with  having  made  good  use  of  the  time  of 
fasting,  in  that  he  had  slain  his  lord,  and  cast  him  into 
a  pond,  and  buried  him  in  a  draft-house.  Though 
he  had  done  all  this,  the  Cid  mockingly  besought 
him  to  be  kind  enough  to  order  his  bread-stuff  (see 
p.  157)  which  he  had  left  at  Valencia  to  be  given  up 
to  him.  Ibn-Jehaf  was  foolish  enough  to  take  this 
letter  seriously,  and  to  reply,  that  "  As  for  the  bread- 
stuff it  had  all  been  stolen,  and  the  city  now  be- 
longed to  the  King  of  the  Arabs  (Almoravides). 
If,  however,  the  Cid  wished  to  take  service  with  the 
King,  he  would  do  all  he  could  to  obtain  for  him  the 


232  The  Cid.  [1092- 

King's  favour  in  such  sort  that  he  would  be  grateful 
for  his  assistance."  The  Cid  now  saw  with  what  sort 
of  person  he  had  to  deal,  and  conceived  the  lowest 
opinion  of  Ibn-Jehaf's  capacity  for  maintaining  his 
position.  As  his  irony  was  wasted  on  his  correspond- 
ent's vanity,  he  wrote  again, — this  time  plainly, — 
saying  that  he  considered  Ibn-Jehaf  and  all  who 
remained  with  him  in  the  city  as  traitors,  and  would 
never  cease  to  do  them  evil  until  he  had  avenged  the 
death  of  King  Yahya. 

Having  thus  declared  himself,  the  Cid  sent  to  the 
governors  of  all  the  castles  subject  to  the  Crown  of 
Valencia,  demanding  that  they  should  supply  him 
with  the  provisions  he  needed  for  his  army.  This 
order  was  obeyed,  owing  to  the  threats  by  which  it 
was  accompanied.  The  governors  sent  in  their  sub- 
mission with  the  exception  of  Abu-Isa  Ibn-Labbun 
(Abueca  Abenlupon)  of  Murviedro.  He  knew  that 
the  Cid  must  in  the  end  be  successful ;  but  submis- 
sion would  entail  at  once  the  loss  of  his  command 
and  his  property,  while  resistance  would  have  the 
effect  of  bringing  the  Cid's  army  down  upon  him,  and 
-in  that  case  he  could  expect  no  mercy.  So  he 
prudently  sold  his  precarious  command  to  his  neigh- 
bour Ibn-Razin,  and  escaped  to  Baeza.  Shortly  after- 
wards Ibn-Razin  submitted  to  the  Cid,  who  agreed 
to  leave  him  in  peace  provided  he  contributed  corn 
like  the  other  governors. 

The  fall  of  Cebolla  was  now  only  a  question  of 
time.  So  rigorous  was  the  blockade  that  none  went 
in  or  came  out.  Famine,  too,  had  already  begun  to 
weigh  heavily  upon  the  garrison.    The  besiegers  were 


1093]  The  First  Siege,  233 

well  supplied  ;  they  were  also  so  numerous  that  they 
were  able  to  turn  their  attention  to  other  matters 
whilst  maintaining  the  necessary  guards.  Twice  a 
day,  we  are  told,  their  algaras,  or  foraging  parties  of 
light  cavalry,  left  the  camp,  to  return  in  the  evening 
laden  with  spoil,  and  driving  before  them  long  trains 
of  captives.  But  the  soldiers  of  the  Cid  were  not 
allowed  to  range  at  will,  plundering  and  destroying 
indiscriminately.  They  were  permitted  to  seize  any 
cattle  they  might  find  in  the  open  country,  but  were 
forbidden  to  molest  the  cultivators  of  the  rich  plain 
by  which  Valencia  is  surrounded.  Their  master 
relied  on  the  produce  of  the  rice-fields,  corn-fields 
and  vineyards  to  provision  his  army  during  the  block- 
ade of  Valencia  which  he  was  about  to  undertake. 
The  booty  captured  elsewhere  was  sold  to  the  in- 
habitants of  Murviedro,  and  to  the  traders  who  fol- 
lowed the  army.  These  speedily  grew  rich  on  the 
spoils  of  their  fellow-countrymen. 

Within  the  city  of  Valencia  the  enthusiasm  that 
had  raised  Ibn-Jehaf  to  the  presidency  was  rapidly 
dying  away.  Dear  as  had  been  the  cost,  the  towns- 
folk began  to  regret  the  days  when  they  had  paid 
for  the  protection  of  the  Cid.  Now  they  were  ex- 
posed to  the  still  heavier  exactions  of  a  tyrant  of 
their  own  race  who  was  powerless  to  defend  them 
from  their  foes  without.  Ibn-Jehaf  had  made  an 
attempt  to  organise  his  resistance,  and  to  get  together 
a  body  of  reliable  troops  ;  but  after  enrolling  the 
knights  of  the  city  who  had  been  in  the  service  of 
Yahya,  and  applying  to  the  Almoravide,  Ibn-Ayisha, 
at  Denia,  for  re-enforcements,  he  was  unable  to  muster 


234  '^^^^  ^^^'  [1092- 

more  than  three  hundred  horsemen.  These  he 
maintained  with  the  Cid's  bread-stuffs,  the  provisions 
that  had  been  collected  to  form  part  of  the  tribute, 
supplementing  this  supply  with  the  forfeited  prop- 
erty of  the  officials  of  the  late  government  and  of 
those  who  had  quitted  the  city.  But  day  by  day  he 
saw  his  small  force  still  further  reduced,  slain  or 
captured  in  attempting  to  check  the  daring  forays  of 
the  Cid's  men.  He  could  not  hope  to  replace  them, 
for  by  his  foolish  haughtiness  he  had'entirely  alienated 
those  who  might  have  assisted  and  supported  him. 
He  had  bitterly  offended  Abu-Nasir,  the  captain  of 
the  forty  Almoravides  within  the  town,  by  never 
taking  him  into  his  councils. 

Thus  the  malcontents  became  ever  more  numerous 
and  more  clamorous.  They  were  led  by  the  power- 
ful family  of  the  Beni-Tahir,  called  by  the  chroniclers 
the  sons  of  Abenagit,  Aboegib,  or  Abenagir.  The 
head  of  the  clan  was  the  old  ex-king  of  Murcia,  who, 
as  a  close  friend  of  the  late  King  Yahya,  was  ex- 
ceedingly bitter  against  his  murderer.  At  first,  while 
the  new  president  was  really  powerful,  it  would  have 
been  highly  imprudent  to  oppose  him,  so  Ibn-Tahir 
had  waited  till  a  favourable  opportunity  came  "for 
throwing  off  the  mask.  He  was  urged  to  prompt 
action  by  the  continual  annoyance  and  insult  to 
which  he  was  subjected  by  Ibn-Jehaf,  who  knew 
from  the  first  that  the  Beni-Tahir  were  the  natural 
leaders  of  the  faction  that  plotted  against  him.  Thus 
the  misery  of  the  city  was  still  further  increased  by 
dissension  of  the  most  open  and  violent  kind. 
"  Every  day,"  says  the  chronicle,  "  there  was  weep- 


1093]  The  First  Siege.  235 

ing  among  the  Moors,  and  the  Cid's  pkmdering 
parties  made  their  way  unopposed  right  up  to  the 
walls  of  Valencia." 

In  his  camp  at  CeboUa  the  Cid  was  kept  informed 
by  his  spies  of  all  that  was  going  on,  and  he  skil- 
fully turned  the  dissensions  among  his  enemies  to 
his  own  advantage.  His  first  object  was  to  get  Abu- 
Nasir  and  his  Almoravides  out  of  the  way,  for  he 
greatly  dreaded  them  in  spite  of  their  small  number. 
He  knew  that  they  formed  the  only  stable  element 
in  Valencia,  and  that  their  countrymen  might  at  any 
time  be  prevailed  on  to  come  to  their  assistance. 
Their  death  too,  should  they  be  slain  in  the  final 
assault  upon  the  city,  would  be  sure  to  involve  him 
in  a  dangerous  war.  Accordingly  we  are  told  that 
"he  sent  in  great  secrecy  to  Abenjaf  (Ibn-Jehaf),  of- 
fering friendship  on  condition  that  he  should  drive 
out  the  Arabs  (Almoravides)  from  the  city.  He  as- 
sured him,  that,  if  he  did  so,  he  would  be  left  as  un- 
disputed ruler.  If  he  followed  this  advice,  the  Cid 
would  assist  and  support  him,  even  as  he  had  sup- 
ported the  King  of  Valencia,  and  would  defend 
him." 

When  Ibn-Jehaf  heard  this  message,  he  was  greatly 
delighted.  Surrounded  as  he  was  by  enemies,  he 
was  foolish  enough  to  allow  himself  to  be  guided  by 
the  most  dangerous  and  powerful  of  them  all.  So 
he  took  council  with  Ibn-Al-faraj,  the  Cid's  commis- 
sioner, whom  he  still  held  prisoner  ;  and  Ibn-Al-faraj, 
seeing  his  opportunity  of  regaining  his  own  liberty 
and  at  the  same  time  forwarding  his  master's  inter- 
ests, of  course  assured  him  of  the  Cid's  good  faith, 


236  The  Cid.  [1092- 

and  urged  him  to  accept  his  offer.  Acting  on  this 
advice,  Ibn-Jehaf  made  known  to  the  Cid  his  accept- 
ance of  the  proposal,  and  set  to  work  to  fulfill  the 
conditions  attached  to  it.  He  had  neither  the  cour- 
age nor  the  force  that  was  needed  to  drive  out  the 
Almoravides,  whom  the  citizens  looked  on  as  pledges 
of  their  eventual  deliverance  :  so  he  began  to  stint 
their  supplies,  telling  them  that  he  could  give  them 
nothing,  for  he  had  nothing  left  to  give.  This  treat- 
ment would  in  all  probability  have  had  the  desired 
effect  if  carried  on  long  enough  ;  but  new  events 
caused  the  fickle  Ibn-Jehaf  to  change  his  plans  once 
more,  and  to  look  for  safety  to  those  of  his  own 
religion  rather  than  to  the  Cid. 

Ibn-Ayisha,  as  representative  of  King  Yusuf  in 
Spain,  sent  letters  from  Denia,  demanding  in  his 
master's  name  that  part  of  the  wealth  of  the  mur- 
dered Kins  of  Valencia  should  be  handed  over  to 
him.  He  added  that  the  money  would  be  sent  to 
Africa,  and  employed  in  fitting  out  troops  to  fight 
against  the  common  enemy,  the  Cid.  Before  com- 
ing to  a  decision  on  so  important  a  matter,  the  presi- 
dent took  counsel  with  the  principal  citizens.  The 
older  men  advised  him  to  send  the  money  as  de- 
manded :  the  younger  advised  him  to  refuse  it.  Fi- 
nally it  was  determined  that  it  should  be  sent  ;  but 
again  Ibn-Jehaf 's  covetousness  and  love  of  half- 
measures  prevailed.  He  got  together  the  whole  of  the 
treasure,  with  the  exception  of  that  which  had  been 
stolen  at  the  time  of  Yahya's  murder,  and,  after  pick- 
ing out  for  himself  the  objects  of  the  greatest  value, 
he  sent  the  rest  out  of  Valencia,  as  he  thought,  with 


1093]  The  First  Siege.  237 

the  greatest  secrecy.  He  had,  however,  as  before, 
taken  his  enemy  into  his  confidence. 

Among  those  who  were  appointed  to  carry  the 
treasure  to  the  Denia  was  the  Cid's  Jewish  commis- 
sioner. He  of  course  took  advantage  of  the  trust 
reposed  in  him  by  the  foohsh  Ibn-Jehaf  to  regain 
his  hberty.  Information  was  sent  to  Cebolla  ;  the 
bearers  of  the  treasure  were  overtaken  and  captured 
by  a  body  of  cavahy  ;  and  the  Cid,  in  his  gratitude 
for  the  clever  trick,  appointed  Ibn-Al-faraj  governor 
of  all  the  Saracens  who  acknowledged  his  authority. 
This  was  not  the  only  piece  of  good  luck  that  at  this 
time  fell  to  the  Cid's  treasury.  His  troops  had  lately 
captured  the  rich  warden  of  the  castle  of  Alcala, 
near  Torralba,  and  had  obliged  him  to  pay  three  thou- 
sand marks  of  silver  for  his  ransom. 

Not  long  after  these  events  Cebolla  fell  (July,  1093), 
and  its  garrison  took  service  with  the  Cid.  Valencia 
was  now  strictly  invested,  Cebolla  being  the  base  of 
operations  ;  a  town  speedily  sprang  up,  built  with  the 
timber  and  other  materials  brought  in  from  the  out- 
lying villages  ;  now  that  the  harvest  was  ready,  the 
Cid  gathered  it  in,  and  no  longer  spared  the  peasants 
who  had  cultivated  it.  All  their  homes,  and  all  the 
boats  and  mills  on  the  river  Guadalaviar,  were  burned, 
special  severity  being  shown  in  the  treatment  of  the 
property  of  Ibn-Jehaf  and  his  family.  All  the  coun- 
try round  Valencia — the  rich  and  smiling  Jiucrta 
(garden-land)  that  forms  its  chief  boast  to  this  day — 
was  turned  into  a  desert,  and  all  the  outlying  houses 
and  towers  of  the  city  were  pulled  down. 

Al-mustain  of  Saragossahad  at  first  been  delighted 


238  The  Cid.  [1092- 

at  the  Cid's  success,  for  he  considered  the  free-boot- 
er's  army  the  best  barrier  between  himself  and  the 
all-conquering  Almoravides ;  but  when  he  heard 
that  Valencia  itself  was  about  to  fall  into  his  hands, 
he  could  not  bear  to  resign  without  a  struggle  the 
prize  for  which  he  himself  had  hazarded  so  much.  A 
pretext  for  an  embassy  to  the  Cid's  camp  was  not 
far  to  seek.  The  ambassadors  made  sure  of  their 
welcome  by  bringing  with  them  a  large  sum,  which, 
as  they  said,  they  had  been  charged  to  spend  on 
redeeming  the  many  Moslem  captives  at  Cebolla. 
Whilst  engaged  in  these  negotiations,  they  found 
means  to  carry  out  the  real  purpose  of  their  visit. 
They  gained  admittance  to  Valencia,  and  laid  before 
Ibn-Jehaf  their  master's  proposal  that  he  should 
surrender  the  city  into  the  hands  of  the  King  of 
Saragossa,  who  would  help  him  to  drive  out  the  Al- 
moravides, and  would  compel  the  Cid  to  raise  the 
siege.  The  trap  was  so  unskilfully  laid,  that  it  did 
not  deceive  even  him  for  whom  it  was  intended. 
The  ambassadors,  who  had  spent  their  money  to  no 
purpose  in  the  Cid's  camp,  were  dismissed  after  wit- 
nessing his  rapid  successes  against  the  city  which 
they  had  come  to  rescue  from  his  grasp.  ^ 

The  suburb  of  Villanueva,  to  the  north  of  the  city 
beyond  the  river,  was  stormed.  Its  wealth  went  to 
swell  the  Cid's  hoard  ;  and  its  building  material  to  the 
rising  town  of  Cebolla.  A  few  mornings  later  the 
attack  was  directed  against  the  thickly-populated 
suburb  of  Alcudia.  In  order  to  prevent  a  sally  from 
Valencia  for  its  relief,  a  body  of  troops  was  stationed 
opposite  the  Gate  of  Alcantara  (the  Bridge).     Hav- 


1093]  T^he  First  Siege.  239 

ing  thus  secured  their  rear,  the  Cid  and  his  men  cut 
their  way  into  the  doomed  suburb.  So  far  did  the 
leader  outstrip  his  men,  that,  when  at  last  his  horse 
fell  over  a  heap  of  slain,  he  was  left  alone  on  foot  in 
the  midst  of  the  enemy.  He  was  speedily  rescued, 
and,  mounting  again,  he  drove  the  defenders  of  Al- 
cudia  within  the  gates  of  Valencia.  In  the  meantime 
the  troops  that  had  been  told  off  to  prevent  the  sally 
had  exceeded  their  instructions  by  attacking  the  de- 
fenders of  the  walls  with  such  spirit,  that,  carrying 
all  before  them,  they  were  on  the  point  of  storming 
the  city  itself,  when  they  were  driven  off  by  a  hail 
of  stones  hurled  from  the  walls  and  towers  by  the 
women  and  boys.  In  the  confusion  that  followed, 
the  general  call  to  arms  was  sounded  in  Valencia ; 
and  the  defenders  were  still  strong  enough  to  come 
out  on  the  bridge,  where  they  kept  up  the  contest 
until,  at  mid-day,  their  assailants  retired  as  usual  to 
dine  and  rest. 

In  the  afternoon  the  attack  on  the  suburb  was  re- 
newed, this  time  with  more  marked  success.  The 
defenders  of  Alcudia  were  so  hard  pressed  that  they 
called  for  quarter,  and  the  principal  inhabitants 
came  out  to  arrange  for  the  surrender  of  their  town 
on  the  best  terms  they  could  get.  They  were 
granted  security  for  their  lives  and  property,  and 
placed  under  the  protection  of  the  Cid's  guard. 
Next  morning  the  Cid  himself  addressed  them,  bid- 
ding them  take  heart,  and  continue  to  till  their  land 
and  tend  their  cattle  in  safety.  For  himself  he 
claimed  only  the  taxes  that  they  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  pay  to  Yahya.    A  Moslem  tax-gatherer  was 


240  The  Cid.  [1092- 

made  responsible  for  their  collection.  Free  permis- 
sion was  granted,  to  all  who  would,  to  settle  at  Al- 
cudia  ;  and  a  market  was  established,  whereby  the 
inhabitants  were  greatly  enriched,  and  the  Cid's  men 
were  enabled  to  sell  their  booty  close  to  the  scene 
of  their  operations. 

The  loss  of  Alcudia  was  a  serious  blow,  for  it 
brought  the  Cid's  blockade  up  to  the  very  walls  of 
Valencia.  None  could  enter  or  leave  the  city  un- 
observed by  the  guard.  Even  the  boldest  of  the  de- 
fenders began  to  despair,  and  to  regret  that  the  offer 
of  the  King  of  Saragossa  had  been  so  uncompro- 
misingly rejected.  The  one  man  who  was  easy  in 
his  mind  was  the  foolish  Ibn-Jehaf,  who  thought  he 
had  assured  the  safety  of  his  own  person  and  prop- 
erty by  a  secret  understanding  with  the  Cid.  The 
principal  men  of  the  city  and  the  general  body  of 
the  inhabitants  still  looked  for  help  from  Africa,  but, 
in  view  of  the  restless  energy  of  the  besiegers,  they 
almost  despaired  of  being  able  to  hold  out  until  its 
arrival.  Accordingly  they  were  ready  to  surrender 
the  city,  and  to  accept  any  terms  the  Cid  might  offer; 
for  they  thought  that  it  would  be  but  a  temporary 
arrangement,  and  that  their  deliverance  would  cpme 
later,  as  come  it  did,  but  only  after  ten  years  of  un- 
told misery.  A  general  meeting  of  the  inhabitants 
— republican  forms  were  still  kept  up — was  held,  and 
ambassadors  were  sent  to  open  the  negotiations  for 
surrender.  The  Cid  expressed  his  willingness  to 
treat,  but  only  on  the  condition  that  the  Almoravides 
should  first  be  expelled  from  the  city. 

When   the  ambassadors    returned  and   communi- 


1093]  The  First  Siege.  241 

cated  the  message,  popular  feeling  at  once  turned 
against  the  brave  little  band  which,  in  the  midst  of 
opposing  factions,  had  ever  been  the  heart  and  soul 
of  the  defence.  The  Almoravides  received  the  notice 
of  their  dismissal  with  joy.  They  had  had  plenty  of 
hard  fighting,  their  pay  and  allowances  had  been 
grudgingly  given,  and  they  had  been  treated  as  ene- 
mies and  barbarians  by  those  for  whom  they  daily 
risked  their  lives.  They  marched,  protected  by  their 
own  and  their  master's  reputation,  through  the  lines 
of  the  besiegers,  "  counting  it/'  we  are  told,  "  the 
best  day  of  their  lives." 

When  they  were  gone,  the  rest  of  the  Cid's  demands 
were  agreed  to.  He  exacted  the  value  of  the  bread- 
stuff that  had  been  owing  at  the  time  of  Yahya's 
murder,  and  had  been  either  bestowed  on  the  Al- 
moravides or  plundered  by  the  populace.  The  yearly 
tribute  was  fixed,  as  before,  at  one  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  gold  pieces,  and  the  citizens  under- 
took to  pay  all  arrears  from  the  time  of  their  revolt. 
In  order  to  secure  the  fulfilment  of  these  conditions, 
the  Cid  stipulated  that  he  should  remain  in  posses- 
sion of  Cebolla.  Thither  he  now  withdrew  with  his 
army,  leaving  in  Valencia  only  his  alnioxarife,  or  in- 
tendant,  and  his  tax-gatherer.  Ibn-Jehaf  now  set 
about  collecting  the  huge  sum  of  money  for  which 
he  had  made  himself  responsible.  He  arranged  with 
the  governors  of  all  the  districts  that  still  acknowl- 
edged his  authority  that  they  should  pay  to  him  the 
tithe  of  all  produce  and  of  all  income.  The  collec- 
tion of  this  tax  was  intrusted  to  two  commissioners, — 
a  Christian  and  a  Moslem  in  each  district. 

x6 


242  The  Cid.  [1092- 

Hostilities  had  now  ceased  ;  but  a  second  siege,  and 
a  period  of  even  greater  misery,  was  to  come,  for 
Valencia  was  not  so  thoroughly  conquered  as  the 
Cid  could  have  wished.  It  had  still  a  more  or  less 
nominal  government  which  could  plot  and  scheme; 
and,  worst  of  all,  the  Cid  himself  and  his  army  were 
outside  the  gates,  which  might  be  closed  at  any  mo- 
ment, and  thus  oblige  him  to  renew  the  weary  siege. 
That  it  was  not  the  Cid's  intention  to  leave  affairs 
long  in  this  condition,  we  may  be  certain,  but  his 
plans  were  for  the  present  hampered  by  the  ever- 
present  danger  of  the  coming  of  an  Almoravide 
army.  It  was  announced  almost  immediately  after 
the  signing  of  the  peace  that  they  were  about  to 
make  a  forward  movement,  and  were  delayed  only  by 
the  hesitation  of  their  King,  Yusuf,  who  still  lingered 
in  Africa.  This  delay  gave  time  for  a  combination 
of  the  forces  of  those  who  dreaded  their  arrival. 
The  Cid  himself,  by  his  nationality  and  his  position 
as  a  conqueror  on  soil  that  the  Almoravides  claimed 
as  their  own,  was  cut  off  from  all  hope  of  a  peaceable 
arrangement.  Ibn-Jehaf  had  rashly  sacrificed  his 
chances  of  their  favour  by  the  expulsion  of  the  small 
division  of  their  troops  from  Valencia.  The  govern- 
ors of  Jativa  and  Cullera,  though  themselves  Al- 
moravides, had  revolted  from  the  central  authority, 
and  were  glad  to  cast  their  lot  with  any  who  would 
help  them  to  make  head  against  the  storm  that  was 
about  to  overtake  them. 

Thus  these  three  ill-assorted  parties  made  an  alli- 
ance, and  acted  for  a  time  in  concert.  Their  first 
care  was  to  attack  the  enemy  near  at  hand  before 
re-enforcements  could  arrive.     Ibn-Maimun,  the  Al- 


10931  The  First  Siege.  243 

moravide  governor  of  Alcira,  had  refused  to  join  in 
the  treason  of  his  fellows.  He  was  therefore  be- 
sieged in  his  fortress,  his  lands  were  harried,  and  the 
booty  carried  off  to  Cebolla,  the  garrison  of  which 
took  part  in  the  campaign  against  him.  Whilst  the 
Cid's  attention  was  thus  turned  to  the  south,  he  re- 
ceived secret  information  of  another  danger  threat- 
ening him  from  the  north.  Ibn-Razin  of  Albarracin 
must  indeed  have  underestimated  the  Cid's  power 
when  he  formed  the  design  of  conquering  Valencia 
for  himself.  He  had  neither  sufficient  troops  nor 
sufficient  money.  He  met  the  difficulty  by  promising 
large  sums  to  Sancho  of  Aragon  in  return  for  assist- 
ance, giving  as  security  for  their  payment  the  im- 
portant fortress  of  Torralba,  near  Daroca. 

The  Cid  was  all  the  more  disgusted  at  Ibn-Razin's 
conduct,  as  he  was  his  ally.  He  was  determined  to 
be  beforehand  with  him  ;  but,  seeing  that  his  plans 
were  not  yet  ripe,  he  made  as  though  he  were  un- 
aware of  the  designs  of  his  enemies,  and  quietly  com- 
pleted the  ingathering  of  the  booty  and  harvest  of 
the  district  of  Alcira.  When  all  was  safely  stored  in 
Cebolla,  a  sudden  bold  movement  dispelled  the  im- 
pending danger.  The  army  was  got  ready  for  a 
campaign,  but  no  man  knew  whither  it  was  bound. 
A  forced  night  march  brought  it  into  the  territory 
of  Albarracin,  where  the  inhabitants,  knowing  noth- 
ing of  what  was  going  forward,  were  engaged  on 
their  usual  peaceful  pursuits.  The  Cid  broke  up  his 
army  into  a  number  of  foraying  parties,  which  ravaged 
the  whole  country,  and  brought  in  an  immense  store 
of  captives,  cattle,  and  grain. 

He  himself  appeared  in  arms  before  the  city,  and 


244  ^^  ^^^'  [1092- 

again  covered  himself  with  glory  as  Campeador  or 
champion  in  single  fight.  One  day  while  he  was  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  walls  of  Albarracin,  taking 
his  pleasure  and  accompanied  by  only  five  of  his 
knights,  he  was  suddenly  attacked  by  twelve  picked 
men  of  the  enemy.  Two  of  his  men  had  been  slain 
at  the  first  onslaught.  He  retaliated  by  slaying  two 
of  the  enemy  with  his  own  lance.  Tw^o  more  he  un- 
horsed and  captured.  The  rest  he  put  to  flight.  The 
adventure,  however,  nearly  cost  him  his  life.  He  had 
received  a  bad  lance-wOund  in  the  throat,  and  it  was 
fully  a  month  before  he  was  sound  again.  Ibn- 
Razin  was  no  longer  in  a  position  to  be  dangerous. 
Besides  the  booty  carried  off  from  his  land,  he  lost 
the  castle  of  Torralba  ;  for  Sancho,  though  he  never 
fulfilled  his  part  of  the  bargain  by  putting  troops 
into  the  field,  was  far  too  prudent  a  monarch  to  give 
up  the  important  castle  which  he  received  in  pledge, 
Whilst  still  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Albarracin, 
the  Cid  received  alarming  tidings  which  forced  him 
to  hurry  back  to  Cebolla  with  his  wound  still  un- 
healed. Here  he  was  met  by  his  allies,  Ibn-Jehaf 
and  the  governors  of  Jativa  and  Cullera,  wdio  con- 
firmed the  rejDort  that  the  Almoravides  were  actually 
on  the  march.  Yusuf  had  returned  to  Spain  ;  but  he 
had  for  some  time  been  in  bad  health,  and  remained 
at  Murcia,  intrusting  the  command  of  his  army  to 
his  son-in-law\  This  army  had  already  reached 
Lorca."^  At  the  same  time  the  state  of  affairs  within 
Valencia  was  by  no  means  satisfactory.    The  people, 

*The    Chronicle   of   the    Cid  states    that    it    was    Abenaxa   (Ibn- 
Ayisha)  who  was  ill,  and  whose  son-in-law  lielcl  command. 


1093]  The  First  Siege,  245 

not  having  the  same  reasons  as  Ibn-Jehaf  to  dread 
the  coming  of  the  Ahnoravides,  looked  to  the  Afri- 
cans to  dehver  them  from  the  burdens  which  their 
ruler  had  been  forced  to  lay  upon  them  in  order  to 
make  up  the  exorbitant  tribute  exacted  by  the  Cid. 

The  immediate  result  of  the  meeting  of  the  allies 
was  that  their  pact  was  renewed,  and  that  a  letter 
was  written  to  the  Almoravide  general,  falsely  rep- 
resenting that  the  Cid  had  an  understanding  with 
the  King  of  Aragon,  who,  in  case  of  need,  would 
come  to  his  aid  with  eight  thousand  of  the  most  val- 
iant warriors  in  the  world.  The  general  took  no  no- 
tice of  the  letter.  He  was  not  the  man  to  be  turned 
from  his  purpose  by  mere  threats,  and  he  knew  how 
to  treat  a  communication  of  such  a  nature,  coming 
from  an  enemy. 

Meanwhile  the  Cid  was  making  use  of  Ibn-Jehaf's 
fears  for  the  purpose  of  increasing  his  power  over  the 
city.  Under  pretence  of  deceiving  the  Almoravides, 
and  persuading  them  that  the  majority  of  the  inhabit- 
ants were  his  willing  and  faithful  allies,  he  caused  to 
be  given  up  to  him  the  splendid  gardens  of  Villanueva 
beyond  the  river,  that  had  formerly  been  the  property 
of  King  Ibn-Abdu-1-aziz.  This  concession  was  fol- 
fowed  by  a  further  request.  The  Cid  demanded 
that  a  new  means  of  access  to  the  gardens  should  be 
opened,  in  order  to  avoid  a  disagreeable  approach 
through  narrow  streets  where  treachery  might  lurk. 
The  rest  of  the  story  is  told  as  follows  :  ''  Abenjaf 
(Ibn-Jehaf)  ordered  that  the  gate  should  be  opened 
at  the  spot  where  the  Cid  commanded  and,  when  he 
learned  the  day  on  which  he  intended  to  come,  he 


246  The  Cid.  [1092- 

caused  a  rich  platform  to  be  spread  with  cloth  of 
gold  and  a  rich  banquet  to  be  prepared.  He  awaited 
him  the  whole  day,  but  the  Cid  came  not,  but  sent 
to  excuse  himself,  saying  that  he  could  not  come 
thither  on  that  day.  And  the  reason  why  he  did 
not  come  was  to  see  if  the  citizens  would  be  openly 
indignant  at  it.  And  so  it  came  about,  for  the  sons 
of  Abenagir  (the  Beni-Tahir)  and  all  the  people  were 
exceeding  wroth  wishing  to  rise  up  against  Aben- 
jaf.  But  they  did  not  do  so  for  fear  of  the  Cid,  nor 
would  they  willingly  have  any  quarrel  with  him  lest 
he  should  plunder  their  property  that  lay  without 
the  city." 

Whether  these  schemes  succeeded  in  making  the 
Almoravides  believe  in  the  affection  of  the  Valen- 
cians  for  their  protector,  we  do  not  know ;  but  cer- 
tainly no  better  means  could  have  been  devised  for 
bringing  Ibn-Jehaf  into  contempt  among  his  jealous 
subjects,  and  thus  hastening  his  downfall. 

Popular  attention  was  for  a  moment  called  away 
from  internal  matters  by  reports  of  the  immediate 
coming  of  the  Almoravides.  Day  by  day  the  party 
who  favoured  them,  headed  by  the  Beni-Tahir^ 
mounted  the  walls  in  hope  of  seeing  them  march  up  ; 
and,  as  their  strained  eyes  scanned  the  distance,  any 
cloud  of  dust  upon  the  plain  provoked  glad  cries  of 
"Here  they  come!"  These  hopes  were  vain,  and 
the  Cid  took  advantage  of  the  lull  to  take  posses- 
sion of  his  garden  and  the  neighbouring  suburb  of 
Alcudia.  The  storm  of  indignation  provoked  by 
this  encroachment,  in  direct  violation  of  the  terms 
on  which  Alcudia   had    been    surrendered,  quickly 


1093]  The  First  Siege,  247 

passed  away  ;  but  it  left  the  party  of  the  Beni-Tahir 
stronger  than  ever.  The  approach  of  the  Almoravides 
rendered  them  careless  as  to  concealing  their  schemes 
any  longer.  Fear  now  induced  Ibn-Jehaf  to  enter 
into  an  explanation  with  his  unwilling  subjects.  He 
represented  that  the  gardens  had  been  merely  lent 
to  the  Cid  for  a  few  days,  and  could  be  taken  pos- 
session of  again  at  any  moment  they  might  wish. 
He  reproached  them  with  their  hostility  towards 
himself  who  had  made  so  many  efforts  on  their  be- 
half. He  declared  that,  as  they  were  dissatisfied  with 
his  conduct  of  affairs,  he  would  retire  into  private 
life,  and  leave  the  cares  of  government  to  others. 

The  effect  of  these  protestations  was  quite  other 
than  he  looked  for.  The  people  cried  aloud  that 
they  cared  not  for  Ibn-Jehaf  and  his  alliances,  but 
would  be  guided  by  the  Beni-Tahir  in  everything. 
They  sealed  their  revolt  by  closing  the  gates  of  the 
city  against  the  Cid.  Ibn-Jehaf  had  been  caught  in 
his  own  trap  ;  and  henceforward  he  behaved  with 
more  humility,  busying  himself  with  increasing  the 
body-guard  on  which  alone  his  personal  safety 
depended. 


COIN    OF    ALFONSO   VI,    OF    CASTILLE   AND    LEON,    1073-1109. 


RTBTi 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE    CID    BESIEGES    VALENCIA    FOR    THE 
SECOND    TIME. 

I 093- I 094. 

THE  unfortunate  Valencians  now  found  them- 
selves once  more  at  war  with  the  Cid,  but  no 
active  hostilities  took  place  for  a  time.  Either 
side  knew  that  the  issue  of  the  struggle  lay  with  the 
Almoravides  ;  and  news  of  their  coming  was  awaited 
in  the  city  with,  if  possible,  greater  eagerness  than 
before. 

Meanwhile  the  presidency  of  the  republic  was  held 
by  a  member  of  the  Beni-Tahir  family,  and  the  Cid 
lay  quiet  in  his  gardens  outside  the  walls  until  he 
heard  that  the  African  army  was  actually  at  Jativa. 
For  one  moment  'Miewho  was  born  in  happy  hour" 
misdoubted  of  his  fortunes,  and  contemplated  a  re- 
treat to  the  mountains.  Then  bolder  counsels 
prevailed,  and  he  prepared  to  make  the  best  resistance 
he  could. 

In  order  to  make  the  approach  of  a  hostile  army 
more  difficult,  all  the  bridges  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Valencia  were  broken  down,  and  the  vega,  the 
rich   alluvial  plain    about  the    city,  was   laid   under 

248 


[1093-94]    The  Second  Siege  of  Valencia.  249 

water.  This  last  was  an  easy  matter,  thanks  to  the 
ingenious  irrigation  works  that  the  Moors  so  dihgently 
constructed  in  all  favourable  situations.  By  the  time 
these  preparations  were  complete  and  a  narrow 
causeway  formed,  the  only  possible  approach  to  the 
Christian's  position,  the  Almoravides  were  already  at 
Alcira.-^ 

Day  and  night  the  towers  and  minarets  of  the  city 
were  beset  by  eager  crowds,  watching  to  catch  the 
first  glimpse  of  the  army  to  which  they  looked  for 
their  deliverance.  "  One  very  dark  night,"  says  the 
Arabic  historian  whose  work  is  embodied  in  the 
chronicle  of  the  Learned  King,  "  as  they  were  on  the 
look-out,  they  caught  sight  of  the  great  watch-fires 
of  the  Africans'  camp,  and  perceived  that  they  were 
near  at  hand  :  then  they  began  to  make  their  prayer 
to  God  that  He  v/ould  help  them  and  that  they 
might  have  good  fortune  against  the  Cid  ;  and  they 
decided  that  when  the  Marinos  (Almoravides)  should 
arrive  and  fight  with  the  Cid,  they  would  rush  out 
and  plunder  his  camp.  But  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
[this  we  must  suppose  is  an  interpolation  of  the 
Christian  translator]  willed  not  that  it  should  be  so, 
but  far  otherwise;  for  He  caused  such  rain  to  fall 
that  night,  and  such  a  storm,  and  so  mighty  a  flood, 
that  it  went  nigh  to  slay  them,  and  they  perceived 
that  God  was  against  them.     And  when  on  the  next 


*  According  to  Ibn-Bessam's  account,  the  Almoravides  never  at- 
tempted to  come  to'  the  rescue  of  the  Valencians.  He  says  that 
the  Emir  of  the  Mussulmans  (Yusuf)  took  an  interest  in  Ibn-Jehaf s 
fortunes,  but  as  he  was  far  away  from  Valencia,  and  fate  had  decreed 
otherwise,  he  could  not  come  in  time  to  help  him. 


250  The  Cid.  [1093- 

day  they  saw  that  they  would  not  be  able  to  enter 
the  vega,  they  began  to  turn  back.  And  the  men  of 
Valencia,  who  were  looking  for  the  hour  of  their 
coming  and  saw  nothing,  were  exceeding  sad  and 
anxious,  and  knew  not  what  to  do,  and  were  even  as 
a  woman  in  labour  until  the  third  hour  ;  then  it  was 
that  news  came  to  them  that  the  Almoravides  were 
turning  back  and  would  not  come  to  Valencia.  When 
they  heard  this  they  counted  themselves  as  dead  men 
and  walked  through  the  streets  as  though  they  were 
drunken,  in  such  sort  that  they  understood  not  the 
words  one  of  another,  and  they  smeared  their  faces 
with  black  as  though  they  had  been  covered  with 
pitch,  and  they  lost  all  their  memory  even  as  a  man 
who  falls  into  the  waves  of  the  sea.  Then  came  the 
Christians  up  to  the  wall  and  called  aloud  in  voices 
of  thunder  making  mockery  of  them  and  threatening 
them,  saying  *  False  traitors  and  renegades  give  up 
your  city  to  the  Cid  Ruy  Diaz  for  ye  cannot  save  it.' 
And  the  Moors  remained  silent,  so  great  was  their 
grief  and  their  despair." 

The  price  of  provisions  in  the  city  was  now  very 
high.  The  chronicler  from  whom  the  above  account 
is  taken  gives  a  list  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  includ- 
ing wheat,  barley,  meat,  honey,  carob-beans,  figs,  and 
cheese,  all  of  which  were  sold  at  so  high  a  rate  as  to 
put  them  entirely  beyond  the  reach  of  the  poorer 
classes.  The  distress  was  still  further  increased  by 
large  additions  to  the  numbers  of  the  besieged.  The 
people  of  the  suburbs,  distrusting  the  Cid,  had  long 
ago  secured  the  better  part  of  their  valuables  by 
burying   them  or  placing  them  in    the   keeping   of 


1094]  The  Second  Siege  of  ]^alencia.  251 

friends  within  the  walls.  On  the  departure  of  the 
Almoravides,  the  Cid  returned  to  his  gardens,  and 
gave  order  for  the  destruction  and  pillage  of  all  the 
outlying  portions  of  Valencia,  except  Alcudia,  which 
had  opened  its  gates  to  him.  The  work  was  thoro- 
ughly carried  out.  Even  the  timbers  of  the  houses 
were  removed,  for  what  the  Christian  left  behind  was 
taken  by  the  marauders  who  issued  nightly  from 
Valencia.  The  inhabitants  of  the  ruined  quarters 
were  obliged  to  join  their  starving  fellow-country- 
men within  the  doomed  city.  When  all  the  mud- 
built  houses  had  been  levelled  with  the  ground,  the 
search  for  buried  treasure  was  actively  carried  on, 
and  a  large  amount  of  money  and  jewels,  as  well  as 
many  secret  hoards  of  grain,  were  brought  to  light. 
Thus  the  circuit  of  the  city  became  less,  and  it  was 
possible  to  make  the  blockade  even  more  strict  than 
before.  So  near  were  besiegers  and  besieged  to  each 
other,  that  hand-to-hand  combats  with  lances  and 
swords  took  place  daily. 

A  vague  hope  still  encouraged  the  Valencians 
to  hold  out  until  the  last  extremity.  Their 
fellow-townsmen  who  had  migrated  to  Denia 
sent  word  to  them  that  the  Almoravide  forces 
were  still  in  their  neighbourhood,  and  that  their 
sudden  return  to  Alcira  had  been  due  entirely  to 
want  of  provisions  and  the  unwonted  rains. 
Their  speedy  return  was  spoken  of  as  certain. 
Of  this  news  the  Beni-Tahir  received  confirmation 
from  the  general  himself.  Being  now  at  the  head  of 
affairs,  they  made  use  of  the  sudden  withdrawal  of 
the  relieving  army  in  order  still  further  to  discredit 


252  The  Cid.  [1093- 

Ibn-Jehaf.  They  spread  abroad  a  report  that  through 
him  the  Africans  had  learned  the  dissensions  that 
prevailed  in  the  city.  So  strong  was  the  popular 
fury  against  him  that  he  became  practically  a  prisoner 
in  his  own  house  ;  but  none  dared  attack  him  for 
fear  of  the  strong  body-guard  which  his  ill-gotten 
riches  still  enabled  him  to  maintain. 

Seeing  that  some  time  was  likely  to  pass  before 
the  fall  of  Valencia,  the  Cid  prudently  gave  orders 
that  the  rich  lands  around  it  should  be  cultivated. 
This  was  done  by  the  ever-increasing  number  of 
refugees  who  enjoyed  his  protection  at  Alcudia. 
Here  justice  was  well  administered  in  order  that  all 
might  come  and  go  unhindered  to  make  use  of  the 
market,  the  dues  of  which,  amounting  to  a  tithe  of 
everything  sold,  became  daily  more  important.  The 
fact  of  the  cultivation  of  the  land  is  to  be  taken  as  a 
sign  of  the  growing  feeling  of  security  among  those 
who  followed  the  Cid's  cause.  This  hope  grew  into 
a  certainty  when  news  was  received  that  Yusuf  was 
about  to  return  to  Africa. 

''  The  Valencians,  when  they  heard  this,"  says  the 
chronicle,  "  w^ere  sorely  at  a  loss,  and  as  soon  as  the 
governors  of  the  dependent  castles  learned  it,  they 
came  to  the  Cid  right  humbly  and  placed  themselves 
under  his  protection,  making  agreement  to  payjiim 
tribute.  And  the  Cid  bade  them  walk  in  safety  on 
any  road  ;  thus  the  Cid's  wealth  increased  so  that  he 
had  in  abundance  whereof  to  give.  And  straight- 
way he  sent  his  command  to  the  castles  that  they 
should  send  him  cross-bows  and  men  so  that  he  might 
assail  Valencia  ;  and  they  obeyed  his   bidding  and 


1094]  The  Second  Siege  of  Valencia.  253 

sent  to  him  much  people;  so  the  Valencians  were  left 
forlorn  and  deserted  of  all  Moorish  folk  and  every 
day  he  assailed  them  mightily,  and  they  were  so  sore 
distraught  that  they  were  in  the  waves  of  death." 

At  this  crisis  was  composed  a  celebrated  poem,  77/^ 
Dirge  of  Valencia  which,  though  it  has  come  down  to 
us  only  in  a  Spanish  translation,  bears  unmistakable 
marks  of  its  Arabic  origin.  It  is  said  to  have  been 
uttered  by  a  wise  faqitih  from  one  of  the  towers  of 
the  wall. 

"  Valencia,  Valencia,  many  troubles  are  come  upon 
thee,  and  in  such  peril  art  thou  set  that,  if  thou 
escape,  the  wonder  will  be  great  among  all  that  be- 
hold thee. 

If  God  shall  shew  favour  unto  any  place,  let  it  be 
unto  thee,  for  thou  wast  called  the  joy  and  the  solace 
wherein  all  the  Moslems  had  refreshment,  and  de- 
light, and  pleasure. 

And  if  it  be  God's  \\'ill  that  at  this  time  thou 
shouldst  utterly  perish,  it  will  be  by  reason  of  thy 
great  sins  and  the  great  overweening  that  thou  hadst 
in  thy  pride. 

The  four  chief  corner  stones  on  which  thou  wast 
founded  long  to  meet  together  to  make  great  lamen- 
tation over  thee,  and  they  can  not. 

Thy  noble  wall  which  was  raised  upon  these  four 
stones  is  already  quaking  and  about  to  fall,  for  it  has 
lost  the  strength  which  it  had  in  days  gone  by. 

Thy  lofty  towers  and  beautiful  which  gleamed 
from  afar  and  comforted  the  hearts  of  the  people  are 
falling  piece  by  piece. 

Thy  white  bulwarks  which  shewed  so  fair  in  the 


2  54  '^^^^  ^^*^- 


[1093- 


distance  have  lost  the  beauty  whereby  they  shone  so 
brightly  in  the  beams  of  the  sun. 

Thy  noble  and  full-flowing  river  Guadalaviar,  and 
the  other  waters  which  did  thee  good  service  have 
overflowed  their  banks,  and  run  where  they  should 
not. 

Thy  limpid  canals  wherein  thy  people  had  much 
profit  have  become  turbid  :  neglect  of  cleansing  has 
left  them  to  flow  as  muddy  streams. 

Thy  famous  and  delightful  gardens  that  are  round 
about  thee,  the  ravening  wolf  has  torn  up  their  roots, 
and  they  can  give  no  fruit. 

Thy  renowned  meadows  wherein  were  flowers  so 
many  and  so  fair  to  gladden  thy  people's  hearts  are 
now  all  withered. 

And  thy  busy  harbour  which  brought  thee  so 
much  honour  now  lacks  the  riches  which  were  wont 
to  come  to  thee  by  it. 

Thy  broad  lands  which  called  thee  mistress,  the 
fires  have  eaten  them  up,  and  the  great  smoke 
reaches  even  unto  thee. 

For  thy  sore  sickness  I  can  find  no  medicine,  and 
the  physicians  have  lost  hope  that  thou  wilt  ever 
again  be  whole  by  their  help. 

Valencia,  Valencia,  it  was  the  love  that  my  heart 
bears  thee  that  made  me  speak  and  utter  all  4he 
words  I  have  spoken  of  thee. 

Now  would  I  declare  my  wish  that  none  should 
know  my  words  until  the  time  be  come  to  pronounce 
them."* 


*  In  the  Crdnica  General  this  poem  is  followed  by  a  commentary 
translated  from  the  Arabic,  and  giving  to  it  an  allegorical  meaning. 


c         o       « 


1094]  The  Second  Siege  of  Valencia,  255 

Among  the  people  the  dejection  was  extreme,  and, 
with  the  fickleness  of  Orientals,  they  began  to  ascribe 
their  misfortunes  to  the  Beni-Tahir,  who  had  led 
them  to  place  their  hopes  in  the  aid  of  the  Almora- 
vides.  This  feeling  was  diligently  fostered  by  the 
opposite  party  and  by  Ibn-Jehaf,  its  leader,  who  saw 
in  the  downfall  of  his  rivals  the  means  of  his  own  re- 
turn to  power.  He  represented  them  as  wanting  in 
the  political  experience  and  influence  necessary  for 
the  making  of  alliances,  whereas  his  own  friendship 
with  the  Cid  was  well  known,  and  could  at  least  se- 
cure good  terms  of  surrender  for  his  fellow-citizens. 
In  a  short  time  so  great  was  the  revulsion  of  feeling, 
that  the  very  men  who  had  driven  Ibn-Jehaf  from 
the  presidency  now  sought  his  pardon  and  advice. 
This  time  he  was  wise  enough  not  to  betray  his 
eagerness.  He  pointed  out  to  them  that  he  was  as 
one  of  themselves,  and  suffered  equally  with  them 
from  the  general  misfortunes.  Finally  he  bade  them 
cease  from  discord,  and  renounce  all  dealings  with 
the  Beni-Tahir.  On  fulfilment  of  these  conditions, 
he  engaged  to  aid  them  to  escape  from  their  present 
misery.  His  words  produced  the  desired  effect,  for, 
compared  with  their  present  hopeless  position,  the 
oppression  they  had  endured  under  his  rule  seemed 
as  nothing,     The  Beni-Tahir  came  to  be  regarded  as 


The  noble  wall  is  said  to  mean  the  people  ;  the  lofty  towers,  the 
nobles  ;  the  limpid  canals,  the  judges  ;  and  so  forth.  Some  hope  was 
recently  entertained  that  the  original  Arabic  of  the  poem  had  been 
found  in  a  fourteenth  century  manuscript  belonging  to  the  Duke  of 
Osuna,  but  the  document  proved  to  be  merely  a  translation  from  the 
Spanish  version. 


256  The  Cid.  [1093- 

public  enemies.  All  this  was  probably  done  with 
the  connivance  of  the  Cid,  whose  interests  demanded 
that  the  most  incompetent  party  should  have  the 
upper  hand. 

Before  formally  accepting  the  presidency,  Ibn- 
Jehaf  had  sought  to  secure  his  position  by  exacting 
from  the  principal  citizens  a  written  promise  of  ad- 
herence to  his  cause.  Relying  on  this  document  to 
prove  the  position  of  authority  which  he  now  occu- 
pied, he  began  to  treat  with  the  Cid,  who  promised 
to  do  the  city  no  further  harm  provided  his  tribute 
were  paid,  and  the  Beni-Tahir,  the  partisans  of  the 
Almoravides,  were  driven  from  the  city.  This  latter 
condition  was  equally  important  to  the  Cid  and  to 
Ibn-Jehaf.  The  former  saw  that  around  the  Beni- 
Tahir  the  real  defenders  of  the  city  were  grouped. 
Ibn-Jehaf  was  glad  to  be  rid  of  his  rivals.  So  the 
Cid  caused  proclamation  to  be  made  in  the  hearing 
of  those  on  the  walls,  that  all  his  enmity  towards  the 
city  was  caused  by  the  Beni-Tahir,  and  that  he  would 
never  cease  hostilities  until  they  were  driven  out. 
He  exhorted  the  Valencians  to  obey  their  president, 
Ibn-Jehaf,  and  assured  them  of  favour  and  protec- 
tion if  they  followed  his  advice.  This  took  place  in 
the  spring  of  1094. 

The  greater  part  of  the  Valencians  were  ready  to 
accept  any  conditions  as  a  means  of  escaping  their 
present  misery,  but  the  Beni-Tahir  were  still  power- 
ful enough  to  make  it  dangerous  to  use  open  violence 
against  them.  Ibn-Jehaf,  however,  relying  on  the 
Cid's  support  and  acting  on  his  advice,  determined 
on  the  bold  course  of  arresting  them.     "  Straight- 


1094]  The  Second  Siege  of  Valencia.  257 

way,"  we  are  told,  "  there  came  forth  one  of  the  ofifi- 
cers  of  the  household  of  Abenjaf  with  much  people 
on  horseback  and  on  foot,  and  went  to  capture  the 
sons  of  Aboegid  (Beni-Tdhir).  But  they  took  refuge 
in  the  house  of  a  faqiiiJi,  an  honourable  man,  whose 
house  was  well  surrounded  with  outworks,  for  they 
thought  to  defend  themselves  with  the  few  people 
they  had  about  them  until  the  city  should  rise  in 
tumult  and  help  should  come  to  them.  But  those 
who  were  come  to  capture  them  set  fire  to  the  doors 
of  the  houses  of  the  outworks,  and  their  people, 
being  many  in  number,  hurled  stones  and  tiles  to 
hinder  the  defence,  and  they  stormed  and  broke  into 
the  house  and  made  them  prisoners.  And  the  peo- 
ple plundered  everything  they  found  within,  and 
haled  them  to  prison,  and  when  the  rumour  had  gone 
abroad  through  the  city,  it  was  all  over  already. 
And  all  their  knights  were  captured,  and  they  held 
them  all  day  long  in  prison,  and  when  evening  came 
they  brought  them  to  the  Cid,  to  the  suburb  of  Al- 
cudia,  and  placed  them  in  his  keeping." 

Next  morning  the  reaction  set  in.  The  people 
broke  out  into  riot,  showing  their  indignation  at  the 
treacherous  action  whereby  the  city  had  been  de- 
prived of  a  powerful  family,  whose  patriotism,  in 
spite  of  the  ill  success  of  its  policy,  was  unquestion- 
able. But  Ibn-Jehaf  was  delighted  with  the  day's 
work,  and,  thinking  that  he  had  now  secured  the 
Cid's  favour,  he  rode  out  with  all  his  company  over 
the  bridge  to  the  stony  ground  by  the  riverside,  to 
demand  an  interview.  He  met  with  a  most  flattering 
reception  at  the  hands  of  the  Bishop  of  Albarracin 


258  The  Czd.  [1093- 

and  a  goodly  company  of  knights,  who  escorted  him 
to  Villanueva,  to  the  gardens  of  the  Cid. 

The  Bishop  and  the  knights  had  come  to  meet 
the  Saracen  prince  in  the  hope  that  one  who  was 
reported  to  be  immensely  rich  would  not  be  empty- 
handed  on  such  an  occasion.  They  were  disappoint- 
ed. Ibn-Jehaf  had  made  the  mistake  of  bringing  no 
bribe  to  the  men,  whom  he  foolishly  considered  as 
his  good  friends.  The  same  mistake  spoiled  his 
interview  with  the  Cid,  which  seemed  at  first  to 
promise  fairly.  When  Ibn-Jehaf  arrived  at  the  gate 
of  the  garden,  the  Cid  himself  came  forth  to  do  him 
honour,  and  actually  made  as  though  he  would  have 
held  his  stirrup  to  aid  him  to  dismount.  As  soon  as 
he  reached  the  ground,  the  Cid  embraced  him  with 
great  show  of  affection,  and,  noticing  his  headdress, 
which  was  the  hood  worn  by  all  Kadis,  he  besought 
him  to  cast  it  off  and  to  assume  the  royal  garb. 
The  two  remained  in  conversation  for  some  time  ; 
and  "  all  the  while  the  Cid,"  says  the  chronicle, 
*'  was  peering  about  to  see  if  he  had  brought  any 
present  to  induce  him  to  act  as  he  wished."  When 
he  saw  that  he  had  hoped  in  vain,  the  Cid  made  no 
attempt  to  conceal  his  disappointment.  Suddenly 
changing  his  tone,  he  began  to  speak  of  the  condi- 
tions attached  to  the  friendship  which  he  had  before 
so  ostentatiously  displayed.  His  first  demand  was 
a  startling  one  :  he  requested  that  all  the  taxes  of 
Valencia,  both  internal  and  external,  should  be  col- 
lected by  his  own  intendant,  and  shared  between 
himself  and  his  so-called  friend.*     To  this  the  Kadi 


*  Dozy  interprets  this  somewhat  obscure  passage  of  the  Chronicle 


1094]  TJie  Second  Siege  of  Valencia.  259 

assented  without  ally  great  show  of  reluctance. 
Worse  was  to  follow.  We  may  gather  from  the 
Cid's  action  that  he  was  bent  on  driving  Ibn-Jehaf 
to  a  refusal,  and  thus  obtaining  an  excuse  for  attack- 
ing him.  At  any  rate,  he  took  the  surest  means  for 
so  doing  by  exacting  that  the  Kadi  should  send  his 
son  to  Cebolla  as  a  hostage  for  the  fulfilment  of  the 
arrangement  in  the  matter  of  the  taxes.  At  this  Ibn- 
Jehaf  winced  visibly  ;  but,  as  he  was  entirely  in  the 
power  of  his  enemy,  he  submitted  with  the  best 
grace  he  could,  promising  to  return  next  day  to  sign 
a  formal  treaty  embodying  these  conditions. 

Ibn-Jehaf  made  his  way  back  to  Valencia  with 
his  eyes  fully  opened  as  to  the  folly  of  the  conduct 
whereby  he  had  alienated  all  who  might  have  assisted 
him,  and  had  delivered  himself  bound  hand  and  foot 
into  the  power  of  an  enemy  who  no  longer  took  the 
trouble  to  keep  up  any  appearance  of  consideration 
towards  him.  Though  weak  and  cowardly  by  nature, 
he  could  not  part  from  his  son  ;  and  when  next  day 
he  received  the  Cid's  haughty  summons  to  come 
forth  and  sign  the  treaty,  as  agreed,  he  wrote  back 
that  he  would  rather  die  than  give  up  his  child. 
The  Cid  had  now  attained  his  object, — a  nominal 
grievance  against  the  Kadi,  which  should  serve  for 
an  excuse  for  any  treatment  of  him,  however  bad. 
He  wrote  back,  declaring  that  never  again  would  he 
trust  him,  now  that  he  had  broken  a  solemn  agree- 
ment, and   threatening  him  with    sure   and    speedy 

to  mean  that  the  Cid  claimed  the  whole  of  the  taxes,  leaving,  as  he 
says,  to  Ibn-Jehaf  not  even  the  position  of  collector,  which  Yahya  had 
enjoyed. 


26o  The  Cid,  [1093- 

vengeance.  In  order  to  add  to  his  misery,  he  made 
much  of  the  Beni-Tahir,  who  still  remained  in  his 
camp,  presenting  them  with  costly  raiment  and 
assuring  them  of  his  favour.  To  Valencia  he  sent 
orders  as  if  he  were  already  its  king,  enjoining  that 
Tekoruni,  the  captain  who  had  arrested  them, 
should  withdraw  to  Alcala.  Whether  this  proceed- 
ing formed  part  of  a  scheme  for  isolating  Ibn-Jehaf 
from  the  few  friends  who  still  remained  faithful  to 
him,  we  do  not  know.  At  any  rate,  it  proved  to  the 
Valencians  how  little  Ibn-Jehaf's  protection  availed 
even  those  who  had  done  him  the  most  important 
services.  The  Cid's  order  was  promptly  obeyed, 
and  Tekoruni  surrendered  at  his  bidding. 

At  this  time,  says  the  chronicle,  there  died  in  the 
city  three  of  the  wisest  and  most  honourable  citizens, 
so  that  none  was  left  to  dispute  Ibn-Jehaf's  power. 
All  hope  of  negotiations  was  cut  off;  for,  while  Ibn- 
Jehaf  ruled,  the  Cid  could  pursue  his  personal  quarrel 
in  the  matter  of  the  broken  agreement  with  some 
show  of  right.  The  Kadi  could  hope  for  no  mercy, 
and  his  desperate  position  obliged  him  to  still  further 
exasperate  the  enemy  by  carrying  on  a  hopeless 
resistance  to  the  end.  The  price  of  provisions 
within  the  city  had  trebled  since  the  Almoravides 
made  their  unsuccessful  attempt  to  raise  the  sie^e: 
the  chronicle  wearily  records  the  rise  of  prices  by 
leaps  and  bounds  until  even  the  richest  had  to  con- 
tent themselves  with  the  coarsest  food. 

Ibn-Jehaf  was  convinced  that  the  end  was  near, 
and  he  acted  like  the  sailors  on  a  sinking  ship  who 
break  into  the  spirit-store  to  obtain  forgetfulness  of 


1094]  The  Second  Siege  of  Valencia.  261 

their  misery.  He  withdrew  to  his  house,  and,  when 
complaints  were  brought  to  him,  he  merely  mocked 
at  those  who  were  foolish  enough  to  ask  aid  of  one 
who  was  as  helpless  as  themselves.  He  was  contin- 
ually surrounded  by  musicians  and  poets,  who  made 
every  effort  to  turn  his  thoughts  from  the  terrible 
reality.  His  guards  lived  as  freebooters  in  the  city, 
seizing  the  property  of  those  who  died  ;  sometimes 
they  did  not  even  wait  for  the  death  of  the  owners. 
What  they  sought  was  food,  for  everything  else  had 
lost  its  value,  and  "  all  would  sell  and  none  would 
buy."  Bad  men  and  good  were  treated  alike  ;  those 
who  were  suspected  of  having  concealed  stores  of 
corn  were  flogged  until  they  revealed  their  secret. 
By  this  means  the  palace  was  continually  supplied 
with  food,  for  buried  hoards  still  existed  here  and 
there.  When  any  corn  was  sold,  it  fetched  the  fab- 
ulous price  of  ninety  maravedis  the  measure.  Of 
mules  and  horses  scarce  any  were  left,  the  flesh  of 
those  that  had  died  had  been  eagerly  bought  for 
three  maravedis  the  pound.  The  people  were  so 
weakened  and  dispirited  that  the  Christians  now 
came  right  up  to  the  walls  and  cast  stones  at  them, 
but  they  made  no  attempt  to  drive  them  off. 

The  Cid's  men  employed  the  enforced  leisure  of 
the  lengthy  siege  in  making  the  ponderous  machines 
that  served  to  batter  fortifications  in  the  Middle 
Ages.  Their  first  attempt  was  a  failure,  for,  as  soon 
as  the  great  engine  was  brought  up  to  the  gate 
which  it  was  meant  to  break  open,  it  was  rendered 
useless  by  another  engine  which  the  besieged  had 
built  to  oppose  it.    At  this  failure  the  Cid  was  wroth, 


262  The  Cid.  [1093- 

for,  though  he  knew  that  Valencia  could  not  now 
hold  out  long,  he  was  impatient  to  realize  the  fulfil- 
ment of  the  hopes  and  schemes  of  so  many  years. 
So  three  more  engines  were  built  and  brought  up 
against  three  of  the  gates.  This  time  they  did  their 
work  unopposed,  and  "  wrought  marvellous  great 
damage." 

Meanwhile  the  sufferings  of  the  poorer  folk  ex- 
ceeded all  measure.  They  are  described  with  pa- 
thetic iteration  by  a  writer  whom  we  suppose,  from 
his  minute  account,  to  have  been  himself  within  the 
city  :  "  So  there  were  many  deaths  among  the  poor 
from  hunger,  and  in  their  sore  distress  they  ate  dogs, 
and  cats,  and  mice."  Another  tells  how  a  rat  was 
sold  for  a  piece  of  gold  :  "  And  they  opened  the  ref- 
use-heaps and  the  drains  of  the  city,  and  brought 
out  the  grapeskins  and  washed  them  in  water  and 
ate  them,  and  the  richest  fed  on  the  flesh  of  beasts 
of  burden.  And  such  as  were  able  to  get  away  went 
and  surrendered  themselves  to  the  Christians,  and 
some  of  them  they  slew,  and  some  they  made  cap- 
tive, and  they  would  sell  a  Moslem  for  a  loaf  of 
bread,  or  for  the  third  part  of  a  measure  of  wine ; 
and  as  soon  as  they  gave  them  food  they  died 
straightway."  The  strongest  they  sold  to  the  Christ- 
ian merchants  who  flocked  thither  from  many  places. 
The  ease  and  abundance  that  reigned  among  the 
Saracens  who  dwelt  in  the  Cid's  village  (Alcudia) 
was  as  great  as  the  misery  and  famine  of  those  in  the 
city.  They  were  now  so  disheartened  and  in  such  de- 
spair that  they  were  "  even  as  Albataxi  says,  '  If  I 
go  to  the  right  the  flood  will  slay  me  ;  if  I  go  to  the 


1094]  The  Second  Siege  of  Valencia.         26 


J 


left  the  lion  will  eat  me  up  ;  if  I  go  straight  on  I  shall 
perish  in  the  sea  ;  and  if  I  wish  to  turn  back  the  fire 
will  consume  me.'  " 

One  feeble  expedient  remained  to  keep  the  last 
sparks  of  hope  alight  for  a  few  days  longer.  Ibn- 
Jehaf  resolved  to  write  to  the  King  of  Saragossa,  beg- 
ging him  "with  many  tears  "  for  help.  His  vanity 
had  not  been  utterly  crushed  out  of  him  by  adver- 
sity ;  and  it  cost  him  a  pang  when  those  who  helped 
him  to  compose  the  letter  determined,  after  three 
days'  discussion,  that  it  would  be  well  to  address 
Al-mustain  as  "  Lord,"  and  thereby  acknowlege  his 
suzerainty.  A  Saracen  well  versed  in  aljamia,  the 
lingua  franca  or  mixture  of  Arabic  and  Spanish 
which  formed  the  usual  means  of  communication  be- 
tween the  two  nations,  was  summoned,  and  received 
orders  to  make  his  way  by  night  through  the  enemy's 
camp,  bearing  the  letter.  He  was  promised  as  his 
reward  the  rich  presents  for  good  news  {albricias). 
which  Al-mustain  would  be  sure  to  bestow  on  one 
who  brought  information  that  Valencia  at  last  for- 
mally acknowledged  his  claims.  After  relating  the 
departure  of  the  messenger,  the  chronicler  returns  to 
his  dreary  list  of  prices,  telling  us  that  the  grape-refuse 
was  now  worth  half  a  silver  piece  a  pound. 

Whatever  Ibn-Jehaf's  hopes  may  have  been,  the 
citizens  can  scarcely  have  expected  any  effectual 
help  from  Al-mustain.  As  for  the  messenger,  he  was 
sorely  disappointed,  and  must  have  bitterly  regretted 
his  toil  and  danger  when  he  saw  that  the  King,  after 
reading  the  letter,  paid  no  further  attention  whatever 
to  it,  nor  regarded  the  bearer,  nor  gave  him  even  a 


264  The  Cid.  [1093- 

cup  of  water  for  his  news.  He  dared  not  return  to 
Valencia,  for  fear  of  being  slain  by  Ibn-Jehaf :  so  he 
sat  down  and  cried  aloud  at  Al-mustain's  gate,  until, 
for  very  weariness  at  his  importunity,  they  gave  him 
an  answer  wherein  the  King  declared  that  he  could 
give  no  aid  to  the  Valencians,  unless  it  were  in  co- 
operation with  Alfonso,  to  whom  he  had  written 
about  the  matter.  He  exhorted  them  to  hold  out  as 
long  as  they  could,  and  to  send  him  news  from  time 
to  time  of  their  position. 

Small  as  was  the  encouragement,  Ibn-Jehaf  could 
not  afford  to  cast  away  the  last  straw  of  hope.  The 
poor  were  now  feeding  on  human  flesh,  the  rich  on 
grass  and  leather.  Money  had  lost  its  purchasing 
power ;  yet  a  great  effort  was  made  to  portion  out 
the  scanty  stores  that  remained,  in  order  to  make 
them  last  a  little  longer.  A  report  was  diligently 
spread  that  Al-mustain  was  ready  to  march,  and 
delayed  only  in  order  that  he  might  collect  victual 
for  the  relief  of  the  famine-stricken  city  ;  but  even 
this  could  no  longer  restrain  the  starving  inhabitants. 
They  left  the  walls  in  crowds,  and  cast  themselves 
on  the  mercy  of  the  Christians,  caring  not,  in  the 
extremity  of  their  misery,  if  they  were  slain. 

Communications  still  came  in  from  Saragossa,  and 
at  last  the  King  wrote  that  he  was  coming  to^he 
relief  of  Valencia  ;  that  Alfonso  was  sending  a  great 
body  of  cavalry  under  Garcia  Ordonez,  the  Cid's 
enemy ;  and  that  he  himself  was  following  hard 
behind.  In  order  to  persuade  the  Valencians  to 
believe  his  almost  incredible  promises,  Al-mustain 
wrote  with  his  own  hand  a  letter  to  Ibn-Jehaf,  which 


1094]  The  Second  Siege  of  Valencia,  265 

was  intended  to  be  shown  to  the  leading  men  of  the 
city.  The  King's  news  was  confirmed  by  letters 
from  his  chief  councillors  to  correspondents  in 
Valencia. 

But  while  the  starving  Valencians  waited  impa- 
tiently for  signs  of  the  coming  army,  Ibn-Jehaf  re- 
ceived a  mysterious  letter  from  a  correspondent  who 
said  that  **  the  King  of  Saragossa  wished  to  make  a 
lighthouse  {torre  de  candeld)  at  Alcudia."*  The 
Saracens  are  well  accustomed  to  interpret  parables, 
but  this  was  too  deep  for  them.  Ibn-Jehaf  wrote 
back,  demanding  an  explanation,  but  the  answer 
never  reached  him.  The  proper  understanding  of 
the  dark  saying  might  have  saved  further  suffering. 
The  writer's  meaning  was  that  Al-mustain  (or  Al- 
fonso) wished  merely  to  gain  time,  and  to  see  how 
events  would  turn,  and  that  his  promises  of  immedi- 
ate help  must  not  be  relied  upon. 

In  order  to  be  better  informed  of  the  exact  state 
of  Valencia,  Al-mustain  sent  thither  two  spies.  The 
pretext  of  their  coming  was  to  bear  a  rich  present 
to  the  Cid,  and  to  beg  him  to  cease  from  so  sorely 
oppressing  the  faithful  within  the  city.  The  mes- 
sengers requested  that  they  might  be  permitted  to 
pass  within  the  walls  to  confer  with  Ibn-Jehaf  so  as 
to  bring  about  an  issue  favourable  to  all  parties  con- 
cerned. This  permission  was  refused  ;  but  they  con- 
trived that  a  letter  should  be  delivered  into  Ibn-Jehaf 's 
hands,  in  which  Al-mustain  informed  him  that  he  had 
sent  a  present  to  the  Cid  in  order  to  induce  him  to 

*  Dozy  says  that  it  was  Alfonso  to  whom  the  letter  alluded,  but  he 
is  apparently  contradicted  by  the  two  Spanish  chronicles, 


266  The  Cid.  [1093- 

mitigate  his  harsh  treatment  of  the  Valencians.  He 
promised  also,  that  if  this,  contrary  to  his  expecta- 
tions, had  not  the  desired  effect,  he  would  come  in 
person  with  an  army  to  carry  Ibn-Jehaf  away  from 
the  midst  of  his  tormentors.  What  Al-mustain's 
object  was  in  inducing  the  Valencian  to  hold  out  a 
little  longer  against  the  fate  that  must  inevitably 
overtake  him,  is  hard  to  conjecture ;  for,  all  the  time 
these  negotiations  were  proceeding,  he  had  a  secret 
understanding  with  the  Cid  that  Valencia  should  be 
sold  to  him  immediately  on  its  falL 

Regardless  of  this  agreement  with  Al-mustain 
which,  as  events  shewed,  he  had  no  intention  of  fulfill- 
ing, the  Cid  did  not  scruple  to  lend  his  support  to  any 
pretender  whom  rash  ambition  made  a  tool  for  bring- 
ing about  Ibn-Jehaf's  downfall  and  still  further  divid- 
ing the  hostile  parties  within  the  city.  Such  a  one 
he  found  in  the  rich  and  powerful  Ibn-Mushish.*  It 
was  agreed  between  the  two  that  Ibn-Mushish  should 
cause  Ibn-Jehaf  to  be  murdered,  or  given  up  as 
a  prisoner  to  the  Christians,  and  should  receive  as 
a  reward  for  his  services  the  kingdoms  of  Valencia 
and  Denia,  together  with  the  favour  and  protection 
of  the  Cid.  But  Ibn-Mushish  had  greatly  over-rated 
his  own  strength,  and  whilst  he  was  preparing  his 
small  circle  of  supporters  for  the  treacherous  atterrv^t, 

*  This  name  depends  on  a  conjecture  of  Dozy  from  the  reading  of 
the  O'dnica  del  Cid  (Abenmoxizj.  The  Crdnica  General,  tiie  only 
other  document  that  mentions  the  affair,  reads  Aboegid,  which,  as  we 
have  seen,  generally  stands  for  Ibn-Tahir.  But  Ibn-Tahir  was  at 
this  time  living  in  the  Cid's  camp.  This  is  one  among  many  small 
points  that  go  to  prove  that  the  Crdnica  del  Cid  is  not  always,  as 
Dozy  calls  it,  a  "  miserable  pastiche  "  of  the  Crdnica  General. 


1094]  The  Second  Siege  of  Valencia.  267 

news  of  the  plot  was  brought  to  its  intended  victim. 
The  ringleaders  were  arrested,  apparently  without  a 
struggle,  and  were  thrown  into  prison,  where  they 
were  placed  under  the  guardianship  of  two  wealthy 
citizens  whose  fidelity  to  Ibn-Jehaf  was  supposed  to 
be  above  suspicion.  The  prisoners,  however,  con- 
trived to  win  over  their  guards  by  representing  that 
their  plot  had  been  instigated  by  the  King  of  Sara- 
gossa,  to  whom  all  the  Valencians  looked  for  deliver- 
ance. So  lavish  were  they  in  their  promises  of 
reward  in  the  event  of  the  successful  issue  of  their 
schemes  that,  at  last,  prisoners  and  guards  together 
determined  on  seizing  the  citadel  in  which  they  were 
lodged.  The  citizens  were  apprised  of  this  new  dan- 
ger in  their  midst  by  the  beating  of  a  drum  in  the 
fortress  and  by  a  proclamation  made  from  a  neigh- 
bouring minaret  ordering  them  to  assemble  in  the 
open  space  that  lay  before  it. 

Nobody  obeyed  this  unauthorised  summons,  but 
it  had  the  effect  of  throwing  the  city  into  a  tumult. 
The  garrison  rushed  to  their  stations  on  the  walls, 
and  private  citizens  began  to  barricade  their  houses, 
anxiously  enquiring  the  while  the  cause  of  the  alarm. 
Ibn-Jehaf  was  at  first  terror-struck,  but,  after  receiv- 
ing more  certain  information  as  to  the  small  extent 
of  the  movement,  he  sent  the  soldiers  who  had  as- 
sembled at  his  gate  to  arrest  the  mutineers.  When 
the  troops  approached  they  found  Ibn-Mushish 
and  his  few  adherents  standing  at  the  gate  of  the 
fortress  expecting  the  main  body  of  the  citizens  to 
come  to  their  aid.  A  smart  attack  routed  them. 
Such  as  had  not  made  good  their  escape  were  ar- 


268  The  Cid. 


[1093- 


rested  and  dragged  with  scoffing  and  mockery  into 
the  presence  of  Ibn-Jehaf.  Ibn-Mushish  was  again 
imprisoned,  some  of  the  other  ringleaders  were  be- 
headed, and  a  number  of  arrests  of  suspected  persons 
throughout  the  city  brought  the  unsuccessful  at- 
tempt to  an  end. 

A  few  days  later  Ibn-Mushish  was  sent,  probably 
with  the  Cid's  consent,  through  the  Christian  lines, 
on  his  way  to  Saragossa,  where  he  was  to  be  con- 
fronted with  Al-mustain,  whose  name  he  had  made 
use  of  in  the  prosecution  of  his  plot.  The  envoys 
who  went  with  him  received  instructions  to  await 
the  escort  of  the  relieving  army  promised  by  Al- 
mustain.  In  the  meantime  they  were  to  learn  from 
the  Court  favourites  the  exact  state  of  the  King's 
mind  and  to  send  regular  reports  to  Valencia. 

All  this  passing  to  and  fro  between  the  city  and 
the  outside  world,  shews  that  the  blockade  was  not 
quite  so  strict  as  the  chroniclers  describe.  In  one 
matter,  however,  there  was  no  relaxation  ;  no  food 
could  be  brought  in  for  the  starving  inhabitants. 
The  little  corn  that  remained  was  sold  by  the  pound 
and  fetched  almost  its  weight  in  gold.  Soup,  for 
the  rich,  was  made  from  horn  ;  the  poor  ate  the 
flesh  of  their  slain  fellow-citizens.  It  was  a  common 
sight  to  see  people  fall  dead  from  famine  in  the 
streets,  and  all  the  open  spaces  of  the  city  were  full 
of  fresh  graves  containing  two  or  more  bodies.  In 
the  graphic  Arabic  expression,  literally  translated  by 
the  Spanish  chronicler,  the  people  were  ''  in  the 
waves  of  death,"  and  such  as  could  escape  betook 
themselves  to  the  Christian  camp,  regardless  of  the 


1094]  The  Second  Siege  of  Valencia.  269 

fate  that  awaited  them.  The  Cid  employed  still 
greater  severities  than  before,  in  order  to  check  this 
practice,  for  he  suspected  that  the  authorities  of  the 
city  encouraged  this  method  of  desertion  in  order  to 
rid  themselves  of  useless  mouths. 

His  efforts  in  this  direction  were  somewhat  relaxed 
after  a  time,  in  consequence  of  a  message  he  received 
from  some  of  the  principal  inhabitants,  urging  him 
to  break  into  the  city  by  assault,  and  assuring  him 
that  no  serious  resistance  would  be  offered  by  the 
exhausted  defenders.  Acting  on  this  information 
he  held  a  council  of  war,  and  the  plan  for  a  general 
attack  was  arranged.  It  would  have  been  easier  and 
more  certain  to  wait  until  the  famine  completed  its 
work,  but  the  Almoravides  still  hovered  hke  a  dark 
cloud  on  the  horizon,  and  the  Cid  preferred  to  be 
behind  the  shelter  of  the  walls,  rather  than  encamped 
on  the  open  plain  or  quartered  in  the  suburbs  before 
risking  an  engagement  with  them. 

On  a  certain  day,  the  whole  army  was  drawn  up 
in  battle  array,  and  instructions  how  to  act  were 
given  to  each  division.  The  main  force  of  the  as- 
sault was  directed  against  the  gate  called  Belsahanes. 
(the  gate  of  the  snake).  The  serried  ranks  of  the 
Christians  came  up  close  under  the  walls,  where  they 
were  received  with  a  perfect  hail  of  stones  and  arrows. 
This  reception  was  the  more  unpleasant  as  it  was 
unexpected.  Huddled  together  as  they  were  by 
their  close  formation,  the  soldiers  suffered  severely 
from  the  missiles.  For  an  instant  they  wavered  ; 
immediately  the  gate  was  thrown  open,  and  the  des- 
perate Saracens  sallied  forth  upon  them.     So  sharp 


270  The  Cid.  [1093- 

and  sudden  was  the  attack  that  even  the  Cid  him- 
self was  glad  to  take  refuge  in  a  bath-house  hard 
by  the  wall.  His  men  were  driven  still  further  back, 
and  the  door  of  the  house  was  beset  whilst  the 
leader  and  his  body-guard  were  within.  Even  in 
this  plight  the  Cid's  resource  did  not  fail  him.  To 
attempt  to  cut  his  way  out  through  the  assailants, 
who  surrounded  the  door,  would  have  entailed  much 
risk.  He  made  his  escape  by  piercing  the  wall  at 
the  back  of  the  house.  On  returning  to  his  camp, 
the  Cid  found  that  his  losses,  during  his  unsuccessful 
assault,  had  been  considerable,  and  he  cursed  the 
hour  in  which  he  had  been  induced  to  act  upon 
advice  received  from  an  enemy. 

Being  thus  disagreeably  convinced  that  the  Valen- 
cians  were  still  capable  of  defending  themselves  by 
force  of  arms,  the  Cid  betook  himself  again  to  his 
policy  of  starvation.  He  caused  proclamation  to  be 
made  in  the  hearing  of  all  the  Saracens,  who  had 
come  out  from  the  city,  ordering  them  to  return  at 
once  under  penalty  of  death.  The  same  penalty 
was  decreed  against  future  offenders.  But  threats 
had  little  or  no  effect  on  men  in  such  desperate  case. 
The  famished  Saracens  continued  to  let  themselves 
down  by  ropes  from  the  wall,  and  their  captors,  as 
far  as  possible,  concealed  the  fact  from  their  supej-ior 
officers,  in  order  that  they  might  not  be  deprived  of 
the  scanty  profits  derived  from  the  sale  of  the 
wretched  creatures.  Those  who  did  fall  into  the 
hands  of  the  Cid,  found  no  mercy  ;  they  were  burned 
alive  in  full  view  of  the  city  walls,  in  order  that  their 
fate  might  serve  as  a  warning  to  any    who  should 


1094]         The  Second  Siege  of  Valencia.  2  7 1 

feel  disposed  to  follow  their  example.  In  the  course 
of  a  single  day,  as  many  as  eighteen  were,  we  are 
told,  thus  executed.  Others  were  worried  by  dogs 
or  torn  to  pieces  with  pincers.  The  very  soldiers 
made  no  account  of  their  prisoners  of  either  sex, 
unless  they  were  young.  The  slave-market  was 
glutted,  but  still  the  young  found  purchasers  among 
the  merchants,  who  made  a  profit  by  exporting  them. 
Fiendish  cruelty,  had,  however,  found  another  means 
of  making  gain  out  of  their  calamities.  Those  who 
were  believed  to  have  wealthy  relations  within  the 
city  were  hung  in  painful  positions  from  the  min- 
arets without  the  walls,  and  were  tortured  and  ill- 
treated  until  their  distracted  kinsmen  were  induced 
to  pay  large  sums  for  their  release,  or  still  larger  in 
order  that  they  might  be  fraudulently  enrolled 
among  the  body  of  Moslems  who  dwelt  in  ease  and 
plenty  at  Alcudia  under  the  Cid's  protection."^ 

*  The  Kitab-al-Ictifa  attributes  these  and  other  barbarities  to  the 
Moslem  renegades  who  formed  a  large  element  in  the  Cid's  forces. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

SURRENDER  OF  VALENCIA  TO  THE  CID— ORGANISA- 
TION OF  THE  CITY  UNDER  HIS  RULE. 

I 094- I 097. 

AFTER  two  months  of  this  treatment  Valencia 
was  unable  to  hold  out  any  longer.  The 
utter  destitution  of  the  place  is  shewn  in  a 
detail  recorded  by  the  chronicler,  who  seems  to 
delight  in  the  minute  exactitude  of  his  information 
about  the  misery  of  the  period.  In  all  the  once 
rich  and  powerful  city  only  four  beasts  of  burden, 
three  horses  and  a  mule,  were  left  alive.  All  hope 
of  relief  from  outside  was  at  an  end  ;  even  the  kins- 
men and  guards  of  Ibn-Jehaf  began  to  murmur  at 
the  hardships  which  they  had  naturally  been  the 
last  to  suffer.  The  best  fed  and  richest  of  the 
citizens  had  scarcely  strength  left  to  march  to  their 
stations  on  the  wall  when  the  beating  of  the  town 
drums  gave  notice  that  an  attack  was  expected. 
Under  these  circumstances  a  deputation  consisting 
of  such  of  the  chief  men  of  the  city  as  survived 
waited  upon  Al-wattan,  2,  faquih  of  renown,  begging 
him  to  remonstrate  with  Ibn-Jehaf  on  his  heartless 

272 


[1094-97]         Sur render' of  Valencia,  273 

and  useless  obstinacy.  Such  representations,  backed 
as  they  were  by  the  accumulated  wrath  .of  the  tor- 
tured people,  were  not  to  be  disregarded,  and  Ibn- 
Jehaf  **  made  up  his  mind  to  be  humble  and  to  do 
all  that  the  people  should  think  good."  So  at  last 
he  commissioned  Al-wattan  to  act  as  intermediary 
between  himself,  the  Cid,  and  the  citizens,  and  to 
make  such  terms  as  he  could  for  surrender. 

Whilst  the  negotiations  were  going  on,  it  hap- 
pened that  a  convoy  of  provisions  for  the  Cid's 
army  passed  close  under  the  walls  of  Valencia. 
The  starving  Saracens  seized  their  arms  and  rushed 
out  to  attempt  to  plunder  it.  They  were  beaten 
back  with  loss  by  its  small  escort  led  by  a  valiant 
captain  named  Martin  Pelaez  whose  legend  is  related 
by  the  chroniclers.  It  illustrates  the  Cid's  methods 
of  dealing  with  his  men  and  in  part  explains  the 
unbounded  influence  he  enjoyed  among  them.  We 
use  the  words  of  the  Chronicle  of  the  Cid  in  which 
the  story  is  interpolated  in  the  midst  of  materials 
derived  from  Arabic  sources. 

''  During  the  early  days  while  the  Cid  was  besieg- 
ing Valencia  there  came  to  him  this  Martin  Pelaez 
whom  we  have  mentioned.  He  was  a  knight,  and 
a  native  of  Santillana  in  Asturias.  He  was  more- 
over a  gentleman  of  good  stature,  and  stout  of  limb, 
and  a  goodly  man,  and  a  witty  ;  but  with  all  this  he 
was  sore  cowardly  at  heart,  as  he  had  shown  already 
on  many  occasions  when  he  had  chanced  on  feats 
of  arms.  And  when  he  came  to  the  camp  the  Cid 
was  grieved,  but  would  not  let  him  see  it,  for 
he  thought  that  he  was  not    fit    for   his  company. 


2  74  ^^^^  ^^^-  [1094- 

Nevertheless  he  resolved,  since  the  man  was  there, 
to  make  a  stout  fellow  of  him  and  to  put  heart  into 
him  in  spite  of  the  ill  promise  that  he  gave.  So 
when  the  Cid  went  up  to  harry  the  city  twice  or 
three  times  a  day,  as  ye  have  heard  in  the  history, 
for  this  happened  at  the  beginning  of  the  siege, 
every  day  there  were  single  combats  and  courses 
were  run,  for  the  Cid  was  ever  fortunate.  So  it 
befel  one  day  at  a  certain  place  that  the  Cid  came 
into  a  great  melee  with  his  kinsmen  and  friends  and 
vassals.  Our  Martin  Pelaez  was  well  armed,  but 
when  he  saw  Christians  and  Moors  on  the  point  of 
attacking,  he  fled  thence  and  betook  himself  to  his 
lodging,  and  remained  in  hiding  until  the  Cid  re- 
turned to  dinner.  The  Cid  knew  right  well  what 
Martin  Pelaez  had  done,  and  when  he  had  routed 
the  Moors  he  straightway  returned  to  his  lodging 
to  dine.  And  the  Cid's  wont  was  to  eat  by  him- 
self apart  at  a  higher  table,  seated  on  his  settle ; 
and  Don  Alvar  Fanez  and  Pero  Bermudez  and  the 
other  famous  knights  ate  elsewhere  at  high  tables 
with  much  honour.  And  no  knight  made  bold  to 
sit  down  with  them,  unless  he  were  such  as  to 
deserve  to  be  there.  The  other  knights  who  were 
not  so  well  approved  in  arms  used  to  eat  each  one 
at  a  table  presided  over  by  a  senior  {comian  en  estando 
[estrado?]  en  mesas  de  cabe^ales.)  Such  was*. the 
ordinance  of  the  household  of  the  Cid,  and  each 
one  knew  the  place  where  he  should  sit  him  down 
to  eat.  And  one  and  all  strove  with  all  their  might 
to  gain  sufficient  fame  to  sit  down  to  eat  at  the 
table  of  Alvar  Fanez  and  his  company,   and  when 


1097]  Surrender  of  Valencia.  275 

the  occasion  offered  in  matters  of  arms  they  behaved 
right  well.  Thus  they  carried  forward  the  honour  of 
the  Cid.  Here  the  history  relates  that  the  knight, 
Martin  Pelaez,  thinking  that  none  had  seen  his  foul 
behaviour,  washed  his  hands  together  with  the 
others,  and  would  have  sat  him  down  together  with 
the  rest  of  the  knights.  But  the  Cid  came  up  to 
him  and  took  him  by  the  hand  and  said  to  him, 
'  Thou  art  not  such  as  to  deserve  to  sit  down  with 
these,  for  they  are  more  honourable  than  thou  or  I. 
I  would  have  thee  eat  with  me,  so  do  thou  sit  by 
me.'  So  he  seated  him  at  his  side  at  the  table. 
And  Martin  Pelaez  with  his  scanty  wit,  thought 
that  the  Cid  did  this  to  honour  him  more  than  the 
others,  so  that  day  they  dined  thus.  And  the  next 
day  the  Cid  and  his  company  went  up  against  Val- 
encia, and  the  Moors  sallied  forth  to  tilt  with  them. 
And  Martin  Pelaez  came  thither  right  well  armed 
and  was  one  of  the  first  to  strike  the  Moors,  but 
at  the  very  outset  he  turned  his  horse's  head  and 
went  off  homewards.  But  the  Cid  noted  well  all 
that  he  did,  and  saw  that,  although  he  behaved 
badly,  he  did  better  than  the  first  day. 

*'  So  soon  as  the  Cid  had  shut  up  the  Moors  within 
the  city  he  came  to  his  lodging,  and  when  he  was 
about  to  sit  down  to  eat,  he  took  Martin  Pelaez  by 
the  hand  and  seated  him  at  his  side  and  bade  him 
eat  with  him  from  the  same  dish,  for  he  was  better 
worthy  that  day  than  the  former  one.  And  the 
knight  gave  heed  to  those  words  and  was  ashamed, 
but  he  did  as  the  Cid  commanded.  When  he  had 
dined  he  went  to  his  lodging  and  began  to  reflect 


276  The  Cid.  [1094- 

on  the  words  that  the  Cid  had  spoken,  and  con- 
cluded that  the  Cid  had  seen  on  each  occasion 
how  badly  he  had  behaved.  Then  he  under- 
stood that  this  was  the  cause  why  he  did  not 
allow  him  to  sit  at  table  with  the  other  knights 
who  were  famous  warriors,  and  that  he  had  bid- 
den him  sit  by  his  own  side  rather  to  give  him 
courage  than  to  do  him  honour;  for  other  knights 
were  there  present  better  than  he,  yet  he  paid  no 
such  honour  to  them.  So  he  resolved  to  behave 
better  than  he  had  done  up  to  that  time.  Here 
the  history  relates  that  the  next  day  the  Cid  and 
his  men  and  Martin  Pelaez  among  them  again  went 
up  against  Valencia,  and  the  Moors  sallied  forth  to 
tilt  with  them  right  willingly,  and  Martin  Pelaez 
was  among  the  first  and  hewed  away  valiantly  at 
the  Moors,  and  straightway  he  unhorsed  and  slew 
a  good  knight,  and  thereupon  he  lost  all  the  craven 
fear  that  had  possessed  him,  and  that  day  he  proved 
himself  to  be  one  of  the  best  knights  on  the  field. 
And  so  long  as  the  melee  lasted  he  never  left  off 
slaying  and  wounding  and  unhorsing  the  Moors 
until  they  were  driven  back  through  the  gates  into 
the  city,  so  that  the  Moors  wondered  at  him  and 
said,  'Whence  has  this  devil  sprung,  for  never 
before  have  we  seen  him  here?'  And  the  Cid^was 
so  placed  that  he  saw  all  that  he  did,  and  he  paid 
good  heed  to  it,  and  right  pleased  was  he  that 
Martin  Pelaez  had  forgotten  all  the  craven  fear 
which  once  held  him.  And  when  the  Moors  were 
shut  up  within  the  walls,  the  Cid  and  all  his  men 
returned  to  their  lodging,  and    Martin  Pelaez  was 


1097]  Su7'rendcr  of  Valencia.  277 

very  meek  and  quiet,  and  got  him  to  his  lodging 
hke  a  good  knight.  When  the  dinner  hour  was 
come,  the  Cid  awaited  Martin  Pelaez,  and  when 
he  arrived,  they  washed  their  hands  and  the  Cid 
took  him  by  the  hand  and  said  to  him  :  '  My  friend, 
thou  art  no  longer  such  as  to  deserve  to  sit  with 
me  from  henceforth  but  sit  thee  down  with  Alvar 
Fafiez  and  these  good  knights,  for  thy  good  deeds 
of  arms  which  this  day  thou  hast  done  make  thee 
worthy  to  be  their  companion.'  And  from  that 
day  forward  he  was  numbered  among  the  company 
of  the  brave." 

Ibn-Jehaf,  as  has  already  been  related,  entrusted 
all  measures  for  obtaining  peace  to  Al-wattan  the 
faqiiiJi.  The  Cid,  on  his  side,  named  his  faithful 
follower  and  almoxarifc,  Ibn-Abdus,  to  act  in  his 
name,  and  sent  him  into  the  city  to  test  the  temper 
of  the  inhabitants,  and  see  how  far  they  were  dis- 
posed to  submit.  After  several  interviews  between 
the  two  parties,  it  was  agreed  as  follows.  That  the 
Valencians  should  be  allowed  to  send  messengers  to 
Al-mustain,  King  of  Saragossa,  and  to  Ibn-Ayisha, 
commander  of  the  Almoravides,  requesting  them  to 
come  to  the  relief  of  the  city  within  fifteen  days  ; 
if  within  that  peried  no  succour  came,  Valencia 
should  be  given  up  to  the  Cid,  on  the  understanding 
that  Ibn-Jehaf  should  retain  his  former  authority 
and  dignity  (as  Kadi)  and  that  his  person  and  prop- 
erty should  be  safe,  and  his  wives  and  sons.  Ibn- 
Jehaf,  together  with  Ibn-Abdus,  should  act  as  joint 
administrators  of  the  revenues  of  the  city.  The  gov- 
ernment and  the  keys  of   the   gates  should  be  en- 


278  The  Cid.  [1094- 

trusted  to  Muza,  a  former  officer  of  Yahya  Al-kadir, 
who  had  taken  service  with  the  Cid  and  received  the 
name  of  Don  Yucan.  The  garrison  of  Valencia 
should  consist  of  muzdrabes,  Christians  who  had  been 
born  and  bred  among  the  Moslems,  and  who  were 
naturally  regarded  by  them  with  less  fear  and  jeal- 
ousy than  the  fierce  soldiery  of  the  north.  Finally 
it  was  stipulated  that  nothing  should  be  altered  in 
the  privileges  or  customary  usages  of  the  city,  that 
the  coinage  should  not  be  debased,  and  that  the  Cid 
himself  should  continue  to  dwell  at  Cebolla. 

These  seem  easy  terms  when  we  consider  the  age  in 
which  they  were  obtained,  and  the  siege  that  had 
preceded  the  negotiations.  But  it  is  easy  to  make  a 
verbal  bargain  with  one  who  does  not  intend  to  pay, 
and  the  Cid,  as  we  shall  see,  had  no  intention  of  car- 
rying out  his  part  of  the  agreement.  The  day  after 
the  truce  was  signed,  the  messengers  started  for  Sar- 
agossa  and  Murcia,  as  arranged.  It  had  been  stipu- 
lated that  each  of  them  should  be  allowed  to  carry 
with  him  fifty  gold  pieces,  and  no  more,  for  the  ex- 
penses of  the  journey.  But  the  Cid  suspected  that 
an  attempt  would  be  made  to  carry  some  part  of 
the  wealth  of  Valencia  to  a  place  of  safety  by 
the  hands  of  the  messengers.  Those  who  were  ap- 
pointed to  go  to  Murcia  embarked  in  a  Christian 
ship  which  was  to  convey  them  as  far  as  Denia. 
Before  they  set  sail,  the  Cid  himself  rode  down  to 
the  shore  and  ordered  them  to  be  strictly  searched 
for  concealed  treasure.  A  large  amount  of  gold  and 
precious  stones,  partly  their  own  and  partly  entrusted 
to  them  by  merchants,  was  found  upon  them.     The 


1097]  Surrender  of  Valencia.  279 

whole  of  it  was  confiscated,  with  the  exception  of  the 
fifty  gold  pieces  allowed  to  each  man. 

During  the  next  fortnight  no  fighting  took  place, 
but  the  people  continued  to  starve.  Such  as  had 
contrived,  amid  the  misery  of  their  fellows,  and  in 
spite  of  the  rigorous  searches  instituted  by  Ibn-Jehaf, 
to  retain  a  small  store  of  corn,  now  sold  it  for  exorb- 
itant prices,  after  setting  aside  provision  for  the  last 
few  days  of  the  siege.  It  is  said  that  an  unexpected 
amount  of  food  was  thus  brought  to  light.  Of  the 
three  remaining  beasts  of  burden,  one  of  the  horses 
was  sold  for  two  hundred  gold  pieces,  the  seller 
receiving  over  and  above  ten  pounds  of  its  flesh. 
Even  so,  the  purchaser  must  have  realised  a  hand- 
some profit,  for  the  remainder  fetched  ten  or  twelve 
gold  pieces  a  pound.  The  guards  on  the  wall  were 
maintained  as  before  ;  they  waited  for  the  day  of 
their  release,  "  as  one  who  waits  to  be  set  free  from 
prison."  At  length  the  fifteen  days  expired,  but  the 
messengers  had  not  yet  returned,  and  Ibn-Jehaf,  who 
seems  to  have  some  foreboding  of  the  fate  in  store 
for  him,  besought  the  people  to  hold  out  some  days 
longer,  hoping  against  hope  that  help  would  come. 
It  was  asking  the  impossible,  and  the  people 
angrily  replied  that  they  could  bear  their  misery  no 
longer.  If  there  had  been  any  hesitation  it  would 
have  been  speedily  dissipated  by  a  message  which 
was  now  brought  in  from  the  Cid,  peremptorily 
claiming  that  the  city  should  be  at  once  given  up, 
according  to  agreement.  He  threatened  that,  by  a 
single  hour's  delay,  he  should  consider  himself  freed 
from   all  conditions,  and  would   moreover  slay  the 


28o  The  Cid, 


[1094- 


hostages,  who  had  been  placed  in  his  hands  as  a 
pledge  for  their  fulfilment. 

Even  so,  the  Valencians  were  imprudent  enough 
to  allow  a  day  or  two  to  pass  before  they  surrendered. 
Then  they  went  forth  to  beg  the  conqueror  to  enter 
into  possession  of  his  conquest.  He  received  them 
angrily,  saying  that  he  had  ceased  to  hold  himself 
bound  by  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  and  that  they  must 
take  the  consequences  of  having  been  the  first  to 
break  it.  Threats,  however,  had  little  weight  with 
men  who  had  suffered  as  they  had  done,  so  ''  they 
placed  themselves  in  his  hands,  to  do  with  them  as 
should  seem  good  to  him."  Finally  the  Cid  relented 
and  bade  them  return  next  day  to  sign  the  final 
agreement  under  which  the  city  should  be  surrend- 
ered. This  concession  was  regarded  as  a  favour, 
and  on  the  fifteenth  of  June,  1094,  Ibn-Jehaf  and  his 
Court  came  to  the  Cid's  camp  and  formally  gave  up 
the  keys.  At  midday  the  gates  were  thrown  open 
and  the  famished  people  trooped  forth.  ^'  It  seemed 
as  though  they  came  forth  from  their  graves,"  runs 
the  Chronicle,  *'  even  as  men  say  it  will  be  at  the  pro- 
clamation of  Azrael,  on  the  Day  of  Judgement,  when 
the  dead  shall  come  out  from  their  sepulchres  and 
appear  before  the  majesty  of  God;  such  was  the 
aspect  of  their  faces." 

Hard  by  the  gate  stood  Ibn-Jehaf,  the  cause  of  all 
this  misery,  surrounded  by  a  great  company  ;  but  the 
Christians  rushing  in  to  plunder  the  city  passed  him 
by  unheeded.  Their  first  act  was  to  break  the  treaty 
by  mounting  on  the  walls  and  towers  that  had  so 
long  held  them  in  check.     Ibn-Jehaf  protested,  but 


1097]  Surrender  of  Valencia,  281 

he  protested  in  vain,  for  he  had  no  force  wherewith 
to  make  his  nominal  authority  respected.  As  for 
the  population  of  the  city  their  only  thought  was  to 
obtain  food.  A  clamorous  crowd  of  buyers  sur- 
rounded those  who  had  brought  provisions  for  sale 
from  the  abundance  of  Alcudia.  "  And  those  who 
lacked  the  means  to  buy  ate  the  herbs  of  the  field, 
and  counted  themselves  for  rich  in  that  they  went 
out  as  they  would,  and  returned  without  fear." 
Their  sufferings  were,  however,  not  yet  at  an  end, 
for  many  died  from  eating  imprudently  after  their 
long  fast,  "  so  that  all  the  fields  around  the  city  were 
filled  with  graves." 

On  the  following  day  the  Cid  made  his  entry  into 
Valencia,  escorted  by  his  household  and  body-guard. 
He  mounted  the  great  tower  on  the  wall,  and  thence 
beheld  the  whole  city.  The  Saracens  came  and  kissed 
his  hands  and  bade  him  welcome.  During  the  early 
days  of  his  rule  the  Cid's  whole  conduct  was  directed 
to  prevent  one  of  those  sudden  and  violent  out- 
breaks of  religious  and  race  hatred  to  which  Eastern 
peoples  are  pecuharly  liable  ;  so  he  made  much  of 
those  who  came  to  him.  Out  of  respect  for  their 
susceptibilities  and  the  privacy  of  their  homes,  he 
closed  up  all  the  windows  of  the  towers  that  looked 
down  into  the  interior  of  the  city  and  on  the  flat 
roofs  of  the  houses,  for  on  them  and  in  the  interior 
courts  which  are  everywhere  found  in  the  south  of 
Spain  the  citizens  were  wont  to  take  the  air  at  evening 
with  their  families  around  them.  The  Cid  actually 
went  so  far  as  to  issue  general  orders  to  his  people 
commanding  and  begging  them  to   pay  respect   to 


282  The  Cid.  [1094- 

the  Moors  and  treat  them  with  deference,  saluting 
them  as  they  passed  in  the  streets.  The  recipients 
of  these  unexpected  favours  were  much  deHghted — 
they  must  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
Cid's  temper  had  changed,  or  that  his  reputation  for 
cruelty  was  greatly  exaggerated — and  they  declared 
that,  ''  never  had  they  seen  so  goodly  and  honoura- 
ble a  gentleman,  nor  one  whose  folk  were  so  well  in 
hand." 

Now  that  others  had  fared  so  well  in  their  inter- 
views with  the  conqueror,  Ibn-Jehaf  determined  to 
try  his  fortune.  Mindful  of  his  former  mistake,  and 
thinking  he  knew  the  sure  method  of  securing  a  fa- 
vourable reception,  he  began  by  extorting  a  large 
sum  of  money  from  those  who  had  suddenly  grown 
rich  by  the  sale  of  provisions  during  the  siege. 
This  money  he  offered  to  the  Cid.  But  the  Cid 
knew  whence  it  came,  and,  unwilling  to  accept  as  a 
gift  what  he  considered  already  as  his  own,  refused 
to  receive  it.  Ibn-Jehaf's  hopes  sank  ;  he  could 
do  nothing  to  secure  the  favour  of  the  haughty 
victor. 

Shortly  after  this  event,  proclamation  was  made  in 
the  Cid's  name,  ordering  the  chief  men  of  the  city 
and  the  governors  of  the  dependent  castles  to  meet 
him  in  the  gardens  of  Villanueva,  where  he  dw'felt. 
On  their  arrival  they  found  carpets  spread  for  them 
to  seat  themselves  and  were  received  with  all  due 
honour  by  their  conquerors.  When  they  were  all 
assembled,  the  Cid  took  his  place  on  his  settle  and, 
"  after  many  good  parables  and  much  sound  advice," 
spoke  as  follows :  '*  I  am  a  man  who  never  owned  a 


1097]  Stc7're7idcr  of  Valencia.  283 

kingdom,  nor  did  ever  any  of  my  lineage,^  but  from 
the  day  that  I  first  beheld  this  city  I  ever  took  de- 
light in  it  and  longed  to  be  its  master ;  and  I  be- 
sought our  Lord  that  he  would  give  it  to  me.  And 
look  now  how  great  is  his  power  ;  on  the  day  that  I 
pitched  my  camp  over  against  Cebolla  I  had  only 
four  loaves,  yet  such  favour  has  God  shewn  me  that 
I  have  won  Valencia.  Thus,  then,  if  I  do  rightly 
and  justly  towards  her,  God  will  allow  me  to  enjoy 
her  ;  but  if  I  do  not  rightly  towards  her,  God  will 
take  her  away  from  me  right  quickly  and  straight- 
way. Therefore  I  command  each  one  of  you  to  go 
to  the  lands  which  you  inherited  from  your  fathers, 
even  as  you  were  wont  to  possess  and  enjoy  them. 
And  let  him  who  shall  find  his  land  untilled  take 
possession  at  once  without  further  delay  ;  and  he 
who  shall  find  his  land  sown  and  tilled,  let  him  pay 
the  cost  of  the  tillage,  and  of  the  seed,  and  become 
master  of  his  property.  Moreover,  I  command  those 
whose  duty  it  is  to  collect  the  taxes  for  me  that  they 
do  you  no  grievance  nor  take  from  you  more  than  a 
tithe,  as  the  custom  of  the  Moslems  enjoins  and  as 
is  your  usage.  I  have  purposed  in  my  heart  to 
listen  to  your  complaints  on  two  days  of  each  week, 
Monday  and  Thursday,  but  if  suits  should  arise  that 
call  for  immediate  decision,  come  when  you  will  and 
I  will  decide  them  for  you.  For  I  do  not  live  retired 
with  women  in  revelry  and  feasting,  as  is  the  custom 
of  your  great  men,  so  that  you  may  not  come  in  to 
them  when  you  will.     But  I  wish  to  see  everything 

*  In  the  Chronicle  of  the  Cid  this  sentence  reads,  "  But  I  am  of  the 
lineage  of  kings."     Such  alterations  are  significant. 


284  The  Cid,  [1094- 

with  my  my  own  eyes,  and  I  will  be  a  companion  to 
you  and  will  protect  you  as  my  friends  ;  and  I  will 
be  governor  and  magistrate  {alcalde  e  algiiacil)  ;  and 
when  any  complaint  shall  come  before  me,  I  will  set 
it  right." 

At  this  point  the  Saracens  could  scarcely  believe 
their  ears.  Unable  any  longer  to  contain  their  glad- 
ness, they  cried  aloud,  praying  God  to  preserve  the 
Cid  for  his  service  many  and  happy  years.  Four  of 
the  most  honourable  among  them  rose  from  their 
seats  and  kissed  his  hand.  The  Cid  bade  them  re- 
turn to  their  places,  and  went  on  with  his  speech : 
*'  It  has  been  brought  to  my  notice  how  Abenjaf 
(Ibn-Jehaf)  did  much  evil  and  wrong  to  many  among 
you,  and  deprived  you  of  your  possessions  in  order 
to  give  them  to  me  ;  taking  them  from  you  under 
the  plea  that  you  sold  provisions  for  a  great  price 
during  the  siege.  But  I  would  not  accept  such  a 
present,  for  I  was  assured  that  he  did  you  wrong, 
and  if  it  were  my  purpose  to  get  your  money,  I 
myself  would  take  it,  and  would  not  order  him  nor 
any  other  to  take  it,  for  never  will  I  do  so  unseemly 
an  action  as  to  take  any  man's  goods  without  right 
justice.  As  for  those  who  traded  profitably  and  sold 
their  property  at  a  good  price,  I  am  well  content 
that  they  should  have  the  advantage  of  it,  and  1 
command  that  Abenjaf  restore  all  that  he  took  of 
their  property  straightway  without  more  ado.  It  is 
my  will  that  you  make  a  covenant  and  an  oath  to 
me  to  do  what  I  am  about  to  bid  you,  and  you  must 
not  deceive  me  nor  attempt  to  evade  it,  but  must 
obey  my  command  in  everything,  for  my  purpose  is 


1097]  Organisation  of  the  City,  285 

to  love  you  and  to  devote  myself  to  you.  For  I  am 
sore  grieved  at  all  the  misery  and  suffering  you  have 
endured  when  you  bought  corn  at  a  thousand  pieces 
of  silver  the  measure  ;  but  I  trust  in  God  that  I  shall 
bring  down  its  price  to  one  piece  of  silver  the  meas- 
ure. So  strive  to  till  your  lands  and  to  tend  your 
cattle  in  security,  for  I  have  enjoined  upon  my  peo- 
ple that  they  do  you  no  wrong  nor  come  into  the 
city  to  buy  and  to  sell,  but  that  they  dwell  at  Al- 
cudia.  And  this  I  bid  them  do  in  order  that  you 
may  receive  no  annoyance.  I  order  that,  no  man  be 
made  prisoner  within  the  city,"^  and  if  any  be  made 
prisoner,  it  is  my  will  that  you  rescue  him  without 
incurring  blame.  If  any  man  resist  you  in  so  doing, 
kill  him  without  fear.  I  myself  do  not  propose  to 
enter  your  city,  nor  do  I  wish  to  dwell  there,  but  I 
wish  to  make,  over  the  gate  of  the  bridge  of  Alcan- 
tara, a  lodging  to  which  I  may  go  at  times  to  take 
my  ease." 

After  speaking  thus  the  Cid  dismissed  his  audi- 
ence, and  they  withdrew  in  great  glee,  fully  trusting 
his  promises,  and  thinking  to  be  compensated  for 
the  evil  days  they  had  passed.  They  betook  them- 
selves at  once  to  their  farms  outside  the  walls  ;  but 
here  a  rude  awakening  awaited  them.  Those  whose 
lands  were  lying  fallow  were  allowed  to  take  peace- 
able possession,  but  the  Christians  who  had  tilled  the 
rest  refused  to  give  them  up,  saying  that  they  held 
them  from  the  Cid,  who  had  bestowed  them  as  part 
of  the  pay  of  the  recipients.     So  the  Moors  waited 

*  This  probably  alludes  to  the  seizure  of  Moslems  who  had  been 
enslaved  during  the  siege  and  had  afterwards  escaped. 


286  The  Cid,  [1094- 

patiently  till  the  following  Thursday — the  day  that 
the  Cid  had  appointed  for  holding  his  court, — think- 
ing to  find  speedy  redress  as  he  had  promised.  They 
had  not  foreseen  that  all  the  promises  had  been 
made  and  all  the  fair  words  spoken  merely  in  order 
to  produce  a  momentary  tranquillity  which  should 
enable  their  new  master  quietly  to  appoint  his  offi- 
cers for  the  government  of  the  city,  and  to  take 
measures  for  punctual  collection  of  the  taxes,  and 
instant  repression  of  all  disorder. 

When  Thursday  came,  all  those  who  had  a  griev- 
ance that  required  redress  betook  themselves  to  the 
garden  of  Villanueva  and  awaited  the  promised  audi- 
ence. Their  surprise  was  great  when  a  messenger 
came  out  to  inform  them  that  the  Cid  was  unable  to 
listen  to  them  that  day,  but  bade  them  return  on 
the  following  Monday.  A  little  time  was  thus  gained 
for  the  consolidation  of  his  power,  and  when  the 
Monday  came,  and  brought  the  perplexed  Saracens 
to  his  gate,  the  Cid  felt  himself  strong  enough  to 
throw  off  the  mask  and  give  them  some  inkling  of 
his  real  intentions.  He  appeared  in  person,  seated 
on  his  settle,  and  they  laid  their  just  complaints  be- 
fore him.  He  listened  patiently,  we  are  told,  till 
they  had  finished,  and  then  he  began  to  tell  them 
some  ''  parables  and  arguments  "  that  were  noticing 
like  what  he  had  said  at  their  first  meeting.  ''  I  ask 
your  advice,"  he  said  ;  "  is  it  good  that  I  should  be 
left  without  my  men  ?  For  if  I  be  left  without  them 
I  shall  be  like  a  man  who  has  a  right  arm  but  has 
lost  his  left,  and  like  a  bird  without  wings,  and  like 
a  warrior  without  lance  or  sword.    Thus,  then,  the 


1097]  Organisation  of  the  City,  287 

first  matter  I  must  see  to  is  the  matter  of  my  men, 
to  contrive  how  they  may  hve  in  well-being  and  hon- 
our, so  that  they  may  serve  me,  and  maintain  my 
honour.  For  since  God  has  granted  me  the  city  of 
Valencia,  I  cannot  permit  that  there  should  be  any 
other  lord  but  myself.  Therefore,  I  bid  and  order 
you,  if  you  wish  to  stand  well  with  me  so  that  I  con- 
tinue to  shew  you  favour,  that  you  take  measures  to 
deliver  over  to  me  the  traitor  Ibn-Jehaf,  for  you 
know  how  he  slew  the  King  that  was  his  lord  and 
yours,  and  how  much  suffering  and  misery  he  made 
you  bear  during  the  late  siege.  So  it  is  not  right 
that  a  traitor,  who  slew  his  lord  should  dwell  among 
you,  for  his  treason  would  confound  your  loyalty. 
See  then  that  you  fulfil  my  command." 

The  Saracens  were  greatly  alarmed  to  see  the 
promises  which  were  the  only  guarantee  of  their 
safety  thus  openly  violated.  But  they  gave  a  soft 
answer,  saying  that  they  would  consult  about  the 
matter  laid  before  them,  and  return  with  their  reply. 
After  due  deliberation,  thirty  of  them  went  to  Ibn- 
Abdus  the  atinoxarife,  a  person  well  acquainted 
with  the  Cid  and  his  ways,  and  besought  him  to  ad- 
vise them  loyally  for  their  good.  "  For,"  they  said, 
"  even  if  we  wish  to  disobey  him,  the  time  for  that 
is  past,  and  we  cannot  in  any  wise  go  against  his 
bidding."  Ibn-Abdus,  of  course,  acted  as  the  Cid 
wished  him  to  act.  "This  matter,"  he  said,  "  is  an 
easy  one  to  decide.  Ibn-Jehaf  slew  his  master  and 
brought  unspeakable  misery  on  his  fellow-citizens. 
Any  master,  even  the  Cid  himself,  though  he  fail  to 
fulfil  his  promises,  and  though  he  oppress  you  some- 


288  The  Cid,  [1094- 

what,  is  better  than  he.  Fate  has  overtaken  him, 
give  him  up  and  thus  avoid  a  quarrel  with  the  Cid, 
who  is  now  an  old  man,"  and  will  shortly  die,  and 
then  we  shall  enter  into  possession  of  our  city  as 
before." 

After  this  an  answer  was  at  once  sent  to  the  Cid 
promising  compliance  with  his  command.  A  large 
body  of  armed  men  was  got  together  and  Ibn-Jehaf's 
house  was  attacked.  The  doors  were  speedily 
broken  down,  the  assailants  rushed  in  and  the  former 
Kadi  and  all  his  family  were  made  prisoners  and 
dragged  into  the  presence  of  the  Cid.  They  were 
immediately  placed  in  close  custody,  together  with 
all  others  who  were  known  to  have  taken  part  in 
the  murder  of  Yahya  Al-kadir. 

Having  attained  his  purpose,  the  Cid  thus  ad- 
dressed the  chief  men  of  the  city  :  *'  Since  you  have 
carried  out  my  orders,  I  am  pleased  to  grant  you  as 
a  boon  any  matter  that  you  consider  it  just  that  I 
concede  to  you.  Tell  me  then  what  you  wish  and  I 
will  do  what  I  consider  to  be  just  in  the  case,  pro- 
vided only  that  I  be  permitted  to  dwell  in  the  city 
of  Valencia,  in  the  Alcazar,  and  that  my  men  garri- 
son all  the  fortresses  of  the  city."  The  Saracens 
concealed  their  rage  and  disappointment  as  best 
they  could,  and  submitted  to  their  fate.  Then  the 
Cid  promised  to  maintain  all  their  usages  and^.the 
observances  of  their  religion  assuring  them  that,  in 
this  respect,  they  might  ask  all  they  would,  and  it 

*  The  Chronicles  from  which  this  account  is  taken  represent  the 
Cid  as  being  about  sixty-four  years  old  at  this  time.  He  was  prob- 
ably much  younger. 


1097]  Orgamsalzon  of  the  City.  289 

should  be  granted  to  them.  He  told  them,  how- 
ever, again,  that  he  was  resolved  to  be  absolute 
master.  He  would  have  them  till  their  farms  and 
tend  their  cattle,  and  he  promised  to  take  from  them 
nothing  more  than  the  tithe  as  their  own  law  pre- 
scribed. So  the  Saracens  took  such  comfort  as  they 
could  from  the  consideration  that  life  would  be,  at 
any  rate,  more  tolerable  than  under  Ibn-Jehaf's  rule, 
provided  they  were  left  in  the  enjoyment  of  their 
property  and  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion. 

They  besought  as  the  promised  boon  that  the 
governor  whom  the  Cid  had  appointed  immediately 
after  the  surrender  of  Valencia,  should  be  continued 
in  the  exercise  of  his  functions;  that  a  popular /«- 
quiJi  should  be  Kadi,  and  that  assistant  magistrates 
should  be  appointed  for  the  administration  of  justice, 
so  that  the  Cid  himself  might  not  be  at  the  trouble 
of  hearing  their  lawsuits  day  by  day.  They  bound 
themselves  to  appeal  to  him  on  any  matter  of  unu- 
sual importance  requiring  decision.  The  Cid,  after 
granting  their  request,  took  up  his  residence  in  the 
citadel,  his  banner  floated  from  the  highest  tower, 
the  walls  were  manned  by  his  soldiers.  There  was 
no  longer  any  need  for  concealment  and  he  declared 
himself  openly  for  what  he  was,  the  independent 
Prince  of  Valencia. 

Ibn-Jehaf  was  pursued  with  a  ruthless  cruelty  that 

not  even  his  crimes  nor  the  barbarity  of  the  age  can 

excuse.     In    truth    the    severity   exercised    towards 

him  had  its  source  rather  in  avarice  than  in  love  of 

justice,  or  the  natural  longing  for  revenge.     He  was 

taken   to  Cebolla  and   there    tortured,  till  he  came 
19 


290  The  Cid.  [1094- 

wellnigh  to  death.  He  was  then  brought  back  to 
the  Cid's  garden  at  Villanueva  and  compelled  to 
write  with  his  own  hand  an  inventory  of  the  riches 
that  had  once  been  his,  the  rings  and  collars  of 
which  he  had  become  possessed  by  the  murder  of 
King  Yahya,  and  the  precious  furniture  of  his  house. 
He  noted  also  faithfully  the  debts  owing  to  him, 
but  he  stated  falsely  the  amount  of  his  wealth  in 
coined  money. 

This  document  failed  to  satisfy  the  rapacity  of  his 
captors.  The  Cid  required  him  to  state  on  oath  in 
the  presence  a  body  of  his  fellow-countrymen,  that 
the  list  he  had  drawn  up  represented  the  whole  of 
his  property.  The  wretched  prisoner,  to  whom  the 
liberty  for  which  he  longed  would  have  been  useless 
unless  he  retained  some  of  his  money,  swore  that 
the  list  was  a  complete  one.  By  the  Cid's  orders 
the  houses  of  all  the  friends  of  the  fallen  tyrant 
were  searched.  The  owners  were  threatened  with 
death  and  confiscation  of  all  their  property  if  they 
concealed  anything  belonging  to  Ibn-Jehaf.  Such 
was  the  terror  inspired  by  the  threat  that  even 
those  whose  consciences  were  wholly  clear  in  the 
matter,  sought  to  avoid  suspicion  and  to  gain  the 
Cid's  favour  by  bringing  to  him  sums  of  money,  say- 
ing, "  Ibn-Jehaf  placed  this  in  our  charge,  promising 
that  if  he  should  escape  with  his  life  he  should  share 
it  with  us."  In  Ibn-Jehaf's  house  too,  the  minute 
search  carried  out  by  tearing  up  the  floors  brought 
to  light  a  large  amount  of  gold  and  precious  stones. 

This  discovery  greatly  pleased  the  Cid,  for,  over 
and  above  the  money  which  he  confiscated  to  his 


1097]  Orga7iisation  of  the  City,  291 

own  use,  he  considered  that  he  had  gained  the  right 
of  treating  Ibn-Jehaf  as  a  perjured  man.     He  sum- 
moned to  the  citadel  the  Moslems,  in  whose  presence 
the  oath  had  been  taken,  and  he  ''  sat  right  nobly  on 
his  settle"   and   ordered    Ibn-Jehaf    and    the  other 
prisoners  to  be  brought  before  him.     A  mock  trial 
was  about  to  take  place,  a  trial  in  which  the  sentence 
was  decided  before  the  prisoner  was  placed  in  the 
dock.     All  due  solemnity  was  observed.     The  Cid 
called  the  Kadi  of  the  city— a  creature  of  his  own- 
to  declare,  according  to  the  law  of  the  Moslems,  what 
penahy  was  incurred  by  a  perjurer  and  by  one  who 
slew  his  legitimate  sovereign.     The  Kadi  declared 
that  the  punishment  for    such  an  one  was  stoning. 
The  other  Moslems  present  confirmed  the  sentence, 
saying,  ''  Our  verdict  according  to  our  law  is  this," 
but  they  were  careful  to  add,"  do  thou  with  him  as 
seemeth  thee  best.  We  beg  thee,  nevertheless,  to  have 
pity  on  his  son,  who  is  a  child,  and  to  set  him  free, 
for  he  has  no  share  in  his  father's  guilt."     The  Cid 
granted  their  petition,  declaring  that  ''  for  the  love 
he  bore  them"  he  pardoned   the  child.     He  gave 
orders,  however,  that  he  should  at  once  quit  the  city 
for  he  would  not  permit  the  son  of  a  traitor  to  dwell 
within  the  walls.     This  he  did  probable  because  the 
clan   and    friends  of  the   father  were  still  powerful 
enough    to    be    dangerous    at    a    future    time     if 
they   found   a  chief   round   whom    to   group    them- 
selves. 

As  for  Ibn-Jehaf  and  all  the  others  who  had  been 
sharers  of  his  guilt,  the  Cid  ordered  them  to  be 
stoned,  according   to   the   verdict   of   their    fellow. 


292  The  Cid.  [1094- 

countrymen.'^  The  chronicles  from  which  comes 
ahnost  all  our  information  as  to  the  details  of  the 
conquest  of  Valencia,  relate  that  this  sentence  was 
carried  out,  and  that  Ibn-Jeliaf  was  stoned,  together 
with  a  number  of  accomplices.  Unfoj'tunately  for 
the  Cid's  reputation,  we  learn  from  Arabic  sources 
of  unquestioned  authority — the  historians,  Ibn-Bes- 
sam,  Ibn-Al-Abbar,  and  Al-makkari, — that  Ibn-Je- 
haf's  punishment  was  carried  out  with  circumstance 
of  the  utmost  barbarity.  A  hole  was  dug  in  the 
earth,  the  wretched  man  was  placed  in  it,  and  faggots 
were  piled  up  round  about.  When  the  faggots  were 
lighted,  Ibn-Jehaf  resolved  to  atone  for  a  bad  life  by 
a  courageous  death.  Supported  by  the  fatalism  of 
his  race,  he  pronounced  the  usual  invocation,"  In 
the  name  of  God,  the  compassionate,  the  merciful." 
He  then  with  his  own  hands  drew  the  blazing 
wood  nearer  to  his  body,  so  as  to  be  the  sooner  rid 
of  his  sufferings. 

Even  this  did  not  satisfy  the  Cid's  cruel  longing 
for  vengeance  on  his  fallen  foes.  Many  of  Ibn- 
Jehaf's  friends  underwent  a  similar  punishment;  the 
same  fate,  we  are  told,  would  have  overtaken  his 
wives,  his  children,  and  the  whole  of  his  kin,  had  not 
the  Cid  been  checked  by  the  loudly  expressed  hor- 
ror of  his  people.  The  stain  of  cruelty  attachii'^g  to 
the  Cid's  character  is  made  all  the  darker  by  the 
fact  that  this  atrocious  deed  was  not  carried  out  in 


*  Dozy  states  that  he  knows  of  no  Moslem  law  that  enjoins  stoning 
for  such  a  case.  He  places  at  this  point  the  failure  of  the  Arabic 
source  which  supplies  the  narrative  of  the  Crdnica  General  in  treat- 
ing of  the  affairs  of  Valencia. 


1097]  Orgajtisatton  of  the  City.  293 

the  first  flush  of  conquest,  but  after  dehberately 
holding  his  enemy  a  captive  for  some  months  and 
repeatedly  torturing  him  with  a  view  to  extorting 
money  from  him.  Ibn-Jehaf's  sufferings  and  hideous 
end  conferred  upon  him  the  dignity  of  a  martyr  in 
the  eyes  of  his  fellow-countrymen.  Subsequent 
events  led  to  his  being  considered  as  a  patriot  who 
had  died  for  the  national  cause.  Even  Ibn-Tahir 
who  had  been  his  bitter  enemy  during  his  life  speaks 
of  him  in  a  letter  that  has  come  down  to  us  in  terms 
of  admiration  and  respect. 

The  Cid  now  proceeded  to  issue  regulations  for 
the  intercourse  between  Christians  and  Moslems. 
He  thus  addressed  a  meeting  of  the  chief  men  of 
Valencia  in  the  Alcazar :  "  Nobles  of  the  assembly 
of  Valencia,  you  know  what  aid  and  protection  I 
lent  to  your  lord  Yahya,  the  King,  and  to  yourselves 
up  to  the  time  of  his  death.  I  sorrowed  greatly 
over  him  and  I  sought  to  avenge  his  death,  as  you 
are  aware,  and  I  endured  much  toil  to  gain  Valencia. 
And  since  it  has  pleased  God  that  I  should  be  lord 
over  her,  I  would  have  her  for  myself  and  for  those 
who  helped  me  to  win  her,  saving  only  my  duty  to 
King  Don  Alfonso  of  Castille,  my  lord,  whom  may 
God  maintam  many  happy  years  for  his  service."*'" 
Thus  then,  all  of  you  are  in  my  power,  to  do  with 
you  as  I  would,  your  persons,  your  property,  and  your 
wives,  and  your  sons.  But  I  do  not  exact  so  much, 
and  it  is  my  will  that  the  honourable  men  among 
you  continue  to  dwell  in  the  city  in  your  houses 
with  all  your  company  ;  and  3/ou  shall  continue  to 

*  This  allusion  to  the  King  of  Castille  is  almost  certainly  spurious. 


294  1^^^^  ^^^'  [1094- 

possess  all  your  lands ;  but  none  of  you  shall  own 
more  than  one  beast  of  burden  ;  and  you  shall  not 
bear  arms,  nor  possess  them  except  at  my  bidding. 
All  the  rest  of  the  people  shall  quit  the  city  and  shall 
dwell  at  Alcudia  where  I  formerly  lodged.  And  it 
is  my  will  that  you  have  two  mosques,  one  in  the 
city  and  the  other  in  the  suburbs,  and  that  you  have 
priests  {alfaqiiihs)  and  practise  your  religion,  and 
that  you  have  your  ecclesiastical  and  civil  magis- 
trates as  I  have  appointed  them.  And  I  bid  you 
possess  your  property  and  do  me  service  by  paying 
to  me  the  tithe  of  the  fruits.  Justice  shall  be  in  my 
hands  and  I  shall  order  money  to  be  coined  of  such 
kind  as  I  shall  appoint.  So  let  those  of  you  who  de- 
sire to  remain  with  me  in  this  my  government  remain, 
and  let  the  rest  get  them  gone  and  welcome,  their 
persons  only  {i.  c,  taking  no  property  with  them).  I 
will  give  directions  that  they  be  brought  to  a  place 
of  safety." 

Thus  with  a  word  the  Cid  banished  the  greater 
part  of  the  inhabitants  of  Valencia,  and  reduced  the 
rest  to  a  state  of  even  more  complete  dependence 
than  before.  So  numerous  were  those  who  were 
obliged  to  quit  their  homes,  that  for  two  whole  days 
the  crowd  streamed  continuously  through  the  gate 
that  led  to  Alcudia.  As  they  passed  out  the  Christ- 
ians entered.  This  seemingly  harsh  measure  is  just- 
ified by  the  dangers  by  which  the  Cid  was  still 
surrounded,  though  the  numerous  breaches  of  faith 
that  led  up  to  it  cannot  be  excused.  An  Almoravide 
army  which  had  been  brought  over  with  the  avow^ed 
intention  of  rescuing  the  country  from  the  oppress- 


1097]  Organisation  of  the  City,  295 

ion  of  its  tyrants,  both  Christian  and  Saracen,  was 
still  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  ;  the  Cid  could 
not  hope  to  be  left  for  long  in  the  undisputed  enjoy- 
ment of  his  conquest.  With  the  Valencians  alone 
he  knew  himself  to  be  well  able  to  cope,  but  should 
he  be  attacked  from  outside,  they  might  seriously 
impede  his  actions.  They  would,  as  he  well  knew, 
be  ready  to  make  common  cause  with  his  enemies  on 
the  first  sign  of  weakness  on  his  part.  The  danger 
he  had  anticipated  found  him  fully  prepared,  and 
when  at  last  he  met  the  dreaded  Almoravides  in  the 
field,  it  was  only  to  add  another  to  the  long  list  of 
his  victories. 

So  soon  as  news  was  brought  to  King  Yusuf  in 
Africa  of  the  fall  of  Valencia,  he  commissioned  Ibn. 
Ayisha,  the  commander  of  his  forces  in  Spain,  to 
retake  the  city.  A  formidable  army  was  collected, 
and,  marching  up  unopposed  to  Valencia,  it  pre- 
pared to  inflict  on  her  a  second  siege.  For  ten  days 
the  Cid  lay  behind  his  walls  watching  the  enemy, 
who  had  advanced  as  near  as  the  gardens  of  Villa- 
nueva,  where  he  formerly  dwelt.  Then  he  burst 
forth  upon  them  and  routed  them.  The  pursuit  of 
the  flying  Moslems,  says  the  chronicler,  was  kept  up 
as  far  as  Jativa,  where  fifteen  thousand  of  them  were 
drowned  in  the  river. 

The  old  Poema  del  Cid  gives  a  much  fuller  ac- 
count of  this  event  which,  though  largely  made  up 
of  legendary  elements,  may  serve  to  supplement  in 
some  particulars  the  meagre  outline  supplied  by  the 
chroniclers. 

*'  I  will  tell  you  tidings  of  the  lands  beyond  the 


296  The  Cid.  [1094- 

sea,  of  the  King  Yusef  who  dwells  in  Morocco. 
Sore  vexed  was  the  King  of  Morocco  with  my  Cid, 
Don  Rodrigo.  '  He  has  broken  violently  into  my 
lands  and  small  thanks  does  he  give  save  only  to 
Jesus  Christ.'  The  King  of  Morocco  assembled  his 
hosts,  with  fifty  times  a  thousand  men-at-arms,  right 
well  were  they  equipped.  They  set  sail  upon  the 
sea,  into  their  ships  they  have  entered.  They  are 
going  to  Valencia  to  seek  my  Cid,  Don  Rodrigo. 
The  ships  have  come  to  port  and  they  have  sallied 
forth.  To  Valencia  they  came,  the  land  my  Cid  has 
conquered.  They  pitched  their  tents,  the  infidel 
folk  have  camped.  These  tidings  are  come  to  my 
Cid.  '  Now  thanks  be  to  the  Creator  and  to  the 
father  of  souls  {^padre  espirital).  All  the  wealth 
that  I  have  is  here  before  my  eyes.  With  toil  did 
I  win  Valencia  and  she  is  my  fief.  Except  at  death's 
bidding  I  cannot  give  her  up.  I  thank  my  Maker 
and  S.  Mary  ]\I other  that  I  have  here  with  me  my 
daughters  and  my  wife.  Great  gladness  {delicto) 
has  come  to  me  from  lands  beyond  the  sea.  I  will 
get  me  to  arms,  no  other  way  is  left.  My  daught- 
ers and  my  wife  shall  see  me  in  the  fray  ;  they  shall 
see  how  homes  are  won  in  this  heathen  land,  yea, 
well  shall  they  behold  how  their  daily  bread  is 
gained ! '  He  led  his  daughters  and  his  wife;,,  up 
into  the  Alcazar.  They  raised  their  eyes  and  saw 
the  tents  pitched.  '  Heaven  save  thee,  Cid,  what  is 
this  ?  '  '  Good  wife,  fear  nothing.  Riches  are  these 
to  increase  our  store  right  marvellous  and  grand. 
As  soon  as  thou  art  come  they  wish  to  make  us  a 
present.     They  are  bringing  us  a  dower  so  that  we 


F 


h\it  rrxW.t*^ 


As  zip^r^"^ 


-oitic 


tlvrii 


FACSIMILE  OF  MS.    POEMA  DEL  CID. 

BY    KIND    PERMISSION    OF    MARQUES    DE    VIDAL. 


1097]  Organisation  of  the  City.  297 

may  give  our  daughters  to  wed.'  '  I  thank  thee  for 
it,  Cid,  and  the  Father  of  Souls.'  Wife,  sit  thou 
in  the  palace  or,  if  thou  wilt,  in  the  Alcazar,  and  be 
not  afraid  when  thou  seest  me  in  the  fight.  By  the 
grace  of  God  and  of  Saint  Mary  Mother  my  heart 
is  lifted  up  now  that  I  have  thee  before  my  eyes.' 
Pitched  are  the  tents  and  the  morning  dawns  ;  the 
drums  were  sounding  hastily.  Glad  was  my  Cid 
and  thus  he  spoke  :  '  A  good  day  is  to-day.  My 
wife  is  sore  afraid  and  her  heart  is  nigh  to  breaking, 
in  like  case  are  her  ladies  and  my  daughters  both  of 
them  :  from  the  day  that  they  were  born  never  felt 
they  such  fear.'  The  good  Cid  Campeador  laid 
hand  on  his  beard  :  '  Be  not  afraid,  for  all  is  for 
your  good.  Within  the  next  fortnight,  if  it  please 
my  Maker,  those  drums  shall  be  placed  before  you 
and  you  shall  see  how  they  are  made.  Afterwards 
they  shall  be  given  to  Bishop  Don  Hieronimo  and 
shall  be  hung  in  the  Church  of  S.  Mary,  Mother  of 
the  Creator.'  Glad  are  the  ladies  and  their  fear  is 
passing  away.  The  Moors  of  Morocco  ride  right 
bravely  ;  in  through  the  garden-grounds  boldly  they 
came.  The  watchman  saw  them  and  he  rang  his 
bell.  Ready  are  the  hosts  of  the  Christian  folk. 
Heartily  they  donned  their  arms  and  from  the  town 
they  sped.  So  soon  as  they  met  the  Moors  they 
fell  upon  them.  They  drove  them  from  the  garden 
grounds,  my  faith,  in  royal  style  ;  right  up  to  the 
camp  was  the  pursuit  continued.  Great  deeds  had 
they  done,  and  then  they  rode  away.  Alvar  Salva- 
dores  was  left  a  prisoner  behind.  Back  to  my  Cid 
are  come  those  who  eat  of  his  bread.     He  had  be- 


298  The  Cid.  [1094- 

held  it  with  his  eyes  and  now  they  tell  it  before 
him.  Glad  is  my  Cid  for  all  that  they  have  done. 
*  Hearken  to  me,  my  knights,  it  shall  be  even  as  I 
say.  A  good  day  is  to-day  but  to-morrow  shall  be 
better.  Be  ye  all  armed  at  dawn  before  it  is  light. 
Mass  shall  be  sung  to  us  and  get  ye  straight  to 
horse  ;  Bishop  Don  Hieronimo  shall  shrive  us  clean. 
We  will  go  to  smite  them  in  the  name  of  the 
Creator  and  of  the  apostle  Saint  lague  (James). 
Better  is  it  that  we  should  conquer  them  than  that 
they  should  seize  the  land.'  Then  said  they  all, 
'  Gladly  and  willingly.'  Out  spake  Minaya,  no 
longer  would  he  stay,  '  Since  thus  thou  wouldst 
have  it,  Cid,  bid  thou  me  otherwise.  Give  me  a 
hundred  and  thirty  knights  for  the  needs  of  battle. 
When  ye  shall  go  to  smite  them,  I  will  break  in  on 
the  other  side.  On  one  side  or  on  the  other  God 
will  come  to  our  aid.'  Then  said  the  Cid,  *  Right 
willingly.'  The  day  has  departed  and  the  night  is 
come.  The  Christian  folk  are  not  slow  to  make 
them  ready.  The  cocks  had  not  ceased  crowing  and 
the  dawn  was  not  yet  come  when  already  Bishop 
Don  Hieronimo  v/as  saying  mass  to  them.  When 
the  mass  was  said,  he  shrived  them  clean.  '  He 
who  shall  perish  here  with  his  face  to  the  foe,  his 
sins  I  take  upon  me  and  God  will  receive  his  saul. 
For  thee,  Cid  Don  Rodrigo,  who  in  happy  hour 
didst  gird  on  sword,  have  I  sung  the  mass  this 
morning.  I  beg  of  thee  a  boon  and  let  it  be  granted 
me,  that  the  first  blows  of  this  battle  be  mine  to 
give  and  take.'  Then  said  the  Campeador,  '  From 
this  hour  be  they  thine.'    They  all  passed  out  armed 


1097]  Organisation  of  the  City.  299 

by  the  towers  of  Valencia.  Wisely  did  my  Cid  ad- 
monish his  men.  They  leave  at  the  gates  men  of 
tried  prudence.  My  Cid  sprang  up  on  Babieca,  his 
horse ;  well  was  he  armed  with  all  his  harness. 
They  bore  the  banner  out,  and  from  Valencia  they 
sallied  forth,  four  thousand  save  thirty  are  in  the 
company  of  my  Cid.  Right  willingly  they  go  to 
smite  the  fifty  thousand.  Alvar  Alvarez  and  Min- 
aya  Alvar  Faflez  broke  upon  them  from  the  other 
side.  So  it  pleased  God  that  they  routed  them. 
My  Cid  wielded  his  lance  and  laid  hand  to  his 
sword.  So  many  of  the  Moors  did  he  slay  that  they 
could  not  be  counted,  and  from  his  elbow  down  the 
blood  kept  dripping.  Three  strokes  he  gave  to  the 
King  Yusef.  From  beneath  the  sword  he  escaped, 
for  his  horse  was  very  swift.  He  took  refuge  in 
Guiera,  a  noble  castle.  My  Cid,  he  of  Bivar,  came 
hither  in  pursuit,  with  others  in  his  train  of  his  stout 
vassals.  Thence  returned  he  who  was  born  in  happy 
hour.  Well  was  he  pleased  with  the  hunting  of  that 
day.  Dearly  did  he  prize  Babieca  from  head  to  tail. 
The  fifty  thousand  (slain)  were  counted  one  and  all ; 
there  escaped  not  more  than  a  hundred  and  four. 
The  liegemen  of  my  Cid  have  sacked  the  camp. 
What  with  gold  and  silver  they  found  three  thousand 
marks.  Of  other  precious  stuff  no  count  could  be 
taken.  Joyful  is  my  Cid  and  all  his  vassals  that 
God  had  shewed  such  favour  to  them  that  they  had 
conquered  in  the  field.  When  thus  they  had  routed 
the  King  of  Morocco,  he  left  Alvar  Fanez  to  take 
account  of  everything.  With  a  hundred  knights  he 
made  his  entry  into  Valencia.     All  wrinkled  was  his 


300  The  Cid. 


[1094- 


brow,  for  he  was  disarmed.  Thus  he  entered  on 
Babieca,  sword  in  hand.  The  ladies  gave  him  greet- 
ing, for  they  were  awaiting  him.  My  Cid  drew  rein 
before  them  and  stopped  his  horse.  '  I  do  you 
reverence,  ladies,  great  honour  have  I  won  you. 
Whilst  you  held  Valencia  I  have  conquered  in  the 
field.  Thus  did  God  will  with  all  His  saints  since 
at  your  coming  they  have  given  us  so  rich  a  booty. 
You  see  my  sword  all  bloody  and  my  horse 
bathed  in  sweat.  Thus  and  thus  only  are  Moors 
conquered  in  the  field.  Pray  ye  to  God  that  he 
grant  you  some  years  of  life  :  to  honour  shall  you 
come  and  men  shall  kiss  your  hands.'  " 

Having  by  this  great  victory  freed  himself  for  the 
moment  from  all  fear  of  attack,  the  Cid  set  about 
strengthening  his  position  in  Valencia.  The  first 
matter  that  called  for  attention  was  the  alarming 
increase  of  desertions  among  his  own  men.  These 
soldiers  of  fortune  had  rapidly  grown  rich  beyond 
their  fondest  hopes  in  the  wealthy  south,  where  in  a 
few  years  they  had  plundered  the  stores  that  the  in- 
dustrious Saracens  had  taken  centuries  to  collect. 
Having  now  had  enough  of  the  dangerous  service, 
they  wished  to  return  to  their  homes  to  enjoy  their 
booty  in  peace.  In  thus  doing  they  were,  perhaps, 
within  their  right  (see  Appendix  H.),  but  the  Cid 
was  not  the  man  to  allow  his  strength  to  be  sapped 
little  by  little,  while  he  could  prevent  it  by  fair 
means  or  by  foul ;  he  was  moreover  practically  an 
independent  prince.  He  caused  a  muster  to  be  made 
of  all  the  Christians  in  Valencia  and  the  name  of 
each  to  be  enrolled.     Unfortunately  the  chronicles 


1097]  Organzsatio7i  of  the  City,  301 

on  which  we  depend  for  our  information  in  this  par- 
ticidar  are  untrustworthy,  and  speciaUy  so  in  the 
matter  of  figures.  The  older  account  puts  the  num- 
ber of  the  Cid's  forces  at  one  thousand  knights  of 
gentle  birth ;  fifteen  thousand  horsemen — probably 
light  cavalry; — and  four  thousand  footmen.  The 
CJiroiiicle  of  the  Cid  mentions  one  thousand  five 
hundred  knights,  five  hundred  and  fifty  other  horse- 
men, and  five  thousand  and  fifty  footmen,  without 
counting  the  camp-followers  and  other  non-combat- 
ants. The  latter  numbers  look  more  like  truth,  par- 
ticularly as  regards  the  footmen.  It  is  probable 
that  the  cavalry  consisted  for  the  most  part  of  poor 
gentlemen — almost  all  who  bore  arms  were  counted 
as  such — who  had  been  drawn  southwards  by  the 
fame  of  the  Cid's  exploits.  As  for  the  footmen,  we 
know,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  patriotic  Spanish 
historians  to  disprove  the  fact  that  a  large  proportion 
of  the  Cid's  armies  was  composed  of  Saracen  mer- 
cenaries. 

After  the  people  had  been  duly  numbered  an 
edict  was  issued  that  any  Christian  found  leaving 
Valencia  without  the  Cid's  permission  would  forfeit 
his  life,  as  well  as  the  whole  of  his  property.  Within 
the  city  a  regular  system  of  military  discipline  was 
observed.  A  code  of  signals  was  established  by 
means  of  bells.  Different  peals  brought  different 
divisions  at  once  under  arms ;  a  general  tocsin  turned 
out  the  whole  garrison,  each  to  his  appointed  station 
on  the  walls. 

About  this  time  (1095),  the  Cid's  dominions  were 
extended  and  strengthened  by  the  capture  of  Olocau, 


The  Czd.  [1095- 


where  a  considerable  portion  of  the  treasure  that 
had  formerly  belonged  to  King  Yahya  was  found 
hidden  away.  The  neighbouring  fortress  of  Serra 
was  soon  afterwards  added  to  the  list  of  his  con- 
quests. Thus  the  frontier  was  protected  by  strong 
military  positions  and  leisure  was  secured  for  further 
annexations  in  the  direction  of  the  important  strong- 
hold of  Murviedro. 

In  the  meantime  the  Cid  turned  his  attention  to 
ecclesiastical  matters.  The  chronicle  relates  that  the 
news  of  the  defeat  of  the  Almoravides  brought  back 
to  Valencia  its  bishop,  Don  Hieronimo,  and  that  the 
city  was  now  divided  into  nine  parishes,  the  chief  of 
which  was  dedicated  to  St.  Peter,  to  whom  and  to 
his  shrines  at  Cardena  and  Arlanga  the  Cid  paid 
special  devotion.  The  cJianson  de  geste,  as  we  have 
seen,  represents  this  same  bishop  as  fighting  against 
the  Almoravides  at  the  head  of  his  flock.  Both  ac- 
counts are  equally  untrue.  It  was  not  till  the  Cid 
was  firmly  established  in  Valencia  that  a  bishopric 
was  created.  The  first  bishop  was  this  same  Hieron- 
imus  or  Geronimo,  about  whom  so  many  tales  are 
told.  He  was  one  of  the  French  friars  who  had 
been  brought  over  by  Blanche,  the  French  wife  of 
King  Alfonso  for  the  purpose  of  reforming  the 
Spanish  Church  and  establishing  the  Roman  instead 
of  the  ancient  Muzarabic  or  Spanish  ritual.  (See 
Appendix  III.) 

When  Geronimo  the  French  monk  arrived  at 
Valencia,  he  found  the  remains  of  an  old  muzdrabe 
Christian  congregation  centred  round  the  Church  of 
San  Vicente  de  la  Roqueta  outside  the  walls  where 


1097]  Organisation  of  the  City.  303 

they  had  been  permitted  by  the  Moslems  to  carry 
out  the  observances  of  their  rehgion.  Geronimo  un- 
doubtedly introduced  the  new  ritual  among  them. 
Whether  he  met  with  much  opposition  or  not  we  do 
not  know.  The  rest  of  the  story  of  this  bishop,  as 
far  as  it  is  known,  is  told  in  a  few  words.  He  con- 
tinued to  reside  in  Valencia  until,  two  years  after 
the  Cid's  death,  the  city  was  abandoned  by  Dona 
Jimena.  He  then  accompanied  the  body  of  the  Cid 
on  its  northward  journey,  and  afterwards  became 
Bishop  of  Salamanca. 

The  Cid,  now  at  the  height  of  his  power,  Hved 
at  Valencia  in  oriental  magnificence.  He  was  far 
from  being  so  intolerant  a  Christian  as  he  is  repre- 
sented to  have  been  by  those  who  in  later  times 
reflected  the  spirit  of  their  own  age  upon  that  which 
they  were  describing.  He  retained  in  important 
positions  in  his  service  many  Moslems  who  were 
useful  to  him  in  his  dealings  with  his  subjects.  The 
portion  of  the  chronicle  that  deals  with  the  latter 
part  of  his  life  professes  to  have  been  written  by  a 
Saracen  who  had  gained  his  confidence  and  was 
afterwards  baptised  under  the  name  of  Gil  Diaz. 
The  Cid  had  probably  learned  the  Arabic  language 
during  his  long  residence  at  Saragossa  ;  that  he  was 
acquainted  with  it  is  certain.  So  far  from  treating 
with  contempt  his  Saracen  neighbours  and  vassals, 
he  loved  to  have  read  to  him  the  exploits  of  the 
great  heroes  of  their  race,  ''  and  when  "  says  an 
Arabic  chronicler,  ''they  came  to  the  story  of  Muhal- 
lab,  his  delight  was  extreme  and  he  was  filled  with 
wonder  and  admiration." 


304  The  Cid.  [1095- 

His  ideas  and  ambitions  had  widened  since  the 
days  when  he  fought  single-handed  in  the  Hsts  as  the 
champion  of  his  King.  Much  toil  and  many  wounds 
had  considerably  impaired  his  formerly  robust  health, 
but  he  still  dreamed  of  adding  to  his  dominions  all 
that  part  of  Spain  which  yet  remained  in  the  hands 
of  the  infidels.  He  was  heard  by  an  acquaintance  of 
Ibn-Bessam,  the  historian,  "  when  his  covetousness 
was  strong  upon  him  and  his  passionate  longing  was 
torturing  him  "  to  express  the  ambitious  hope  that 
as  one  Rodrigo  had  lost  Spain  another  would 
win  it  back. 

Old  enemies  began  to  seek  for  reconciliation  with 
so  powerful  a  neighbour.  In  1094  died  Sancho,  King 
of  Aragon.  His  son  Pedro,  who  had  before  his 
father's  death  assumed  the  title  of  King  of  Sobrarbe 
and  Ribagorza,  was  petitioned  by  his  subjects  on  his 
accession  to  the  crown  of  Aragon  to  enter  into  an 
alliance  with  the  Cid.  Accordingly  he  wrote  to  pro- 
pose to  the  conqueror  of  Valencia  an  offensive  and 
defensive  alliance.  To  the  Cid,  whose  tranquillity 
was  disturbed  by  the  presence  of  the  Almoravides 
in  his  neighbourhood,  the  offer  was  very  welcome. 
A  meeting  between  the  two  principals  was  arranged 
at  Burriana,  on  the  coast,  and  terms  equally  advan- 
tageous to  either  party  were  agreed  upon. 

It  is  at  this  period  in  the  Cid's  career  that  the 
chroniclers  place  a  famous  legend  connected  with 
his  name,  that  of  the  marriage  of  his  daughters  with 
the  Counts  of  Carrion,  their  desertion  by  their  hus- 
bands, and  the  Cid's  vengeance  for  the  insult  put 
upon  him.     Many  of  the  persons  and  all  the  events 


1097] 


Organisation  of  the  City. 


305 


mentioned  in  it  are  purely  imaginary.  The  portraits 
it  contains  of  real  personages  are  so  distorted  that 
it  is  hard  to  recognise  them.  The  Cid  had  really  two 
daughters  but  they  did  not  bear  the  names  given  to 
them  in  the  legend.  The  very  existence  of  these 
Counts  of  Carrion  is  denied.*  Nevertheless,  the 
story  is  very  ancient,  as  old  as  the  twelfth  century,  and 
it  has  so  important  a  bearing  upon  the  esteem  in 
which  the  Cid  was  held  during  the  centuries  when 
the  legend  was  looked  on  as  history  that  it  cannot 
be  passed  over. 

*  I  have,  however,  seen  the  signature  Count  Petrus  de  Carrion  on 
a  charter  of  Alfonso  VI.,  dated  1088,  and  preserved  in  the  Archives  of 
the  cathedral  of  Burgos. 


v, 


^s^m^^m^k^i^u^^a^f^. 


W^'^&^lsS'^^LsicdiJhhk^simM!^'^^ 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

THE     LEGEND     OF    THE     MARRIAGE    OF    THE     CID'S 
DAUGHTERS     WITH    THE    COUNTS    OF    CARRION. 

IO95-IO97. 

THE  legendary  history  of  the  Cid  tells  how  his 
wife,  Jimena,  and  his  two  daughters,  Doiia  El- 
vira and  Dofia  Sol,  were  released  from  their  im- 
prisonment by  King  Alfonso,  the  event  being  placed 
shortly  after  the  taking  of  Valencia.  Great  were  the 
rejoicings  at  their  arrival  in  the  city  and  when,  about 
the  same  time,  the  Cid  won  a  great  battle  against 
King  Junez  of  Morocco,  he  bethought  him  to  shew 
his  gratitude  for  the  favour  Alfonso  had  shewn  him  by 
sending  him  part  of  the  spoil.  (See  Appendix  II.) 
So  he  chose  out  three  hundred  of  the  best  horses 
and  sent  them  together  with  the  splendid  tent  of 
the  African  monarch  by  the  hands  of  Pero  Bermudez 
and  Alvar  Fafiez  to  Castille. 

When  they  came  near  to  Valladolid,  where  the 
King  chanced  to  be,  they  sent  forward  a  messenger 
to  give  him  notice  of  their  coming.  The  King  bade 
them  wait  outside  the  city  till  the  next  day  ;  then  he 
rode  out  to  meet  them  accompanied  by  his  nobles 

306 


1095-97]    Marriage  of  the  Cid's  Daughters.   307 

among  whom  were  the  Infantes  of  Carrion,  Diego 
and  Fernando,  the  sons  of  Count  Don  Gonzalo.  So 
Alvar  Fanez  and  Pero  Bermudez  kissed  the  Kingf's 
hands  and  told  him  of  the  good  fortune  of  the  Cid 
and  how  he  had  sent  him  the  three  hundred  horses, 
each  with  a  sword  at  the  saddle-bow,  as  a  proof  of 
his  loyalty  and  gratitude.  The  King  declared  that 
never  had  vassal  sent  so  goodly  a  present  to  his  lord  ; 
but  when  he  saw  the  tent  he  was  still  more  delicrhted. 

o 

He  caused  it  to  be  set  up  and  entered  into  it  and 
admired  the  curiously  carved  tent-pole  and  the  tent- 
ropes  of  silk  and  gold.  To  the  messengers  of  the 
Cid  he  shewed  great  favour  and  gave  them  honour- 
able lodging  in  the  city,  providing  amply  for  their 
wants  during  their  stay. 

All  this  had  been  closely  marked  by  the  Infantes 
of  Carrion  and  they  bethought  them  that,  since  the 
Cid  was  so  wealthy  and  was  held  in  such  honour  by 
the  King,  it  would  be  well  for  them  to  share  his  good 
fortune  and  become  his  heirs  by  marrying  his  daugh- 
ters. The  Cid,  they  considered,  was  certainly  not 
their  equal  in  noble  descent,  but  for  the  moment, 
their  covetousness  overrode  all  such  considerations, 
and  they  begged  the  King  in  private  to  exercise  his 
right  and  to  marry  them  to  Dona  Elvira  and  Dona 
Sol.  The  King  replied  that  the  affair  concerned  the 
Cid  more  than  himself,  but  he  promised  them  his 
help  ;  so  they  kissed  his  hands  and  went  their  way. 
The  King  sent  for  Alvar  Fafiez  and  Pero  Bermudez, 
and  when  they  came  before  him,  he  praised  the  Cid 
warmly  and  said  that  he  greatly  desired  to  see  him. 
He  bade  them  tell  him  that  the  King  requested  an 


3o8  The  Cid.  [1095- 

intervievv  at  Requena,  where  he  would  communicate 
to  him  something  concerning  his  honour.  He  more- 
over bade  them  inform  the  Cid  that  the  Counts  of 
Carrion  wished  to  marry  his  daughters,  and  that  the 
marriage  would  seemingly  be  an  advantageous  one. 
The  Cid's  messengers  assured  the  King  that  their 
master  would  obey  him  in  everything,  and  straight- 
way they  set  out  on  their  return  to  Valencia. 

They  were  met  outside  the  city  by  the  Cid  him- 
self, who  was  impatient  to  hear  what  they  would 
have  to  say.  When  they  told  him  the  news  he  re- 
flected for  a  while  and  then  he  asked,  "  What  seemeth 
you  of  this  wedding  ?  "  They  replied,  *'  Whatever 
is  good  in  your  eyes."  He  answered  :  "  I  will  tell 
you  my  mind.  The  Infantes  of  Carrion  are  of  very 
lofty  blood,  and  proud,  and  frequenters  of  the 
Court ;  but  though  my  daughters  would  be  well 
married  if  they  should  have  them  for  husbands,  I  am 
not  well  pleased  at  the  thought  of  it.  Nevertheless, 
since  our  lord,  the  King,  has  mentioned  it,  if  he 
should  advise  it,  we  can  do  no  otherwise  in  the  mat- 
ter, so  I  place  it  in  the  hands  of  God  that  he  may  do 
therein  as  shall  please  him.  Dona  Jimena,  like  a 
prudent  mother,  shared  her  husband's  opinion  but 
was,  like  him,  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  obedi- 
ence to  the  King.  Letters  were  straightway  sent 
off  to  Castille  fixing  the  date  of  the  interview  in  the 
third  week  after  the  King  should  receive  them.  At 
Valladolid  and  at  Valencia  preparations  went  merrily 
forward  to  make  as  good  a  show  as  possible  on  the 
great  occasion. 

The  King  was  accompanied  to  the  meeting  by  the 


1097^.     Marriage  of  the  Cid's  Daughters,      309 

Infantes  of  Carrion  and  other  nobles  in  brilliant 
array.  The  Cid's  band  was  no  less  magnificent 
though  somewhat  more  severe  in  aspect ;  his  knights 
rode  all  armed  as  was  befitting  by  reason  of  the  hos- 
tile or  half-pacified  country  through  which  they  had 
to  pass.  The  King  was  already  encamped  at  Re- 
quena  before  the  appointed  day,  and  when  he  learned 
that  the  Cid  was  approaching  he  rode  forth  a  full 
league  to  meet  him.  The  Cid  would  have  dismounted 
from  his  horse  to  kiss  his  Sovereign's  foot  but  the 
King  forbade  it  saying,  ''  Cid,  the  hand  is  enough,  not 
the  foot."  So  the  Cid  kissed  both  his  hands,  and 
the  King  embraced  him  and  kissed  him  to  do  him 
honour. 

All  this  was  noticed  by  the  Cid's  enemies  among 
the  courtiers,  and  particularly  by  Garcia  Ordonez, 
who  now  added  jealousy  to  his  hatred.  But  the  two 
rode  on  past  them  all  regardless  of  their  murmuring 
and  entered  the  city  talking  confidentially.  The 
King  bade  his  visitor  be  his  guest  that  night,  and 
when  he  came  to  the  banquet  he  would  have  had 
him  sit  at  the  same  table  with  himself.  But  the  Cid 
refused  out  of  humility  and  dined  at  a  high  table  in 
company  with  his  enemy  Garcia  Ordonez,  Count 
Don  Gonzalo,  and  the  other  great  nobles.  As  he 
sat  at  table  the  King  was  never  weary  of  admiring 
his  noble  presence  and  the  beard  (see  note,  p.  355)  that 
had  grown  so  long  in  so  short  a  time.  The  next 
day  the  King  dined  with  the  Cid,  and  when  the  In- 
fantes saw  the  sumptuous  feast  and  the  splendid 
gold  and  silver  vessels  in  which  it  was  served,  they 
were  more  than  ever  eager  to  carry  out  their  scheme. 


310  The  Cid.  [1095- 

On  the  following  morning,  after  a  solemn  mass 
sung  by  the  Bishop,  the  serious  business  of  the  con- 
ference was  entered  upon,  and  the  King  formally 
asked  the  Cid's  daughters  in  marriage  for  the  Counts. 
The  Cid  tried  to  excuse  himself,  alleging  their  ten- 
der age,  but  the  King  would  take  no  refusal,  so  at 
length  the  Cid  submitted  with  the  best  grace  he 
could.  The  Infantes  of  Carrion  were  summoned 
and  kissed  the  hands  of  their  future  father-in-law, 
who  presented  to  them  the  two  famous  swords  that 
he  had  won  in  battle,  Tizona  and  Colada.  The  Cid, 
however,  was  anxious  that  the  whole  of  the  respon- 
sibility of  a  marriage  which  he  considered  danger- 
ous, should  rest  with  the  King,  so  he  besought 
him  to  name  someone  to  give  the  brides  away.  The 
King  called  Alvar  Faftez  and  said  to  him :  "  You  are 
the  uncle  of  these  damsels;  I  command  you  that 
when  you  come  to  Valencia  you  receive  the  damsels, 
daughters  of  the  Cid,  whom  he  will  hand  over  to 
you,  taking  them  at  my  hand,  and  that  you  give 
them  as  brides  to  the  Infantes  of  Carrion." 

For  eight  days  the  Cid  remained  with  the  King  at 
Requena,  and  then  he  took  his  leave,  accompanied 
by  a  brilliant  throng,  for  he  had  asked  and  received 
permission  for  all  who  would  to  go  to  Valencia  to 
take  part  in  the  wedding  festivities.  Even  befoYe 
reaching:  home  the  Cid  had  further  reason  to  be  dis- 
satisfied  with  the  match  that  had  been  thrust  upon 
him.  Pero  Bermudez,  who  had  been  appointed  to 
escort  the  Infantes  and  to  report  their  behaviour, 
gave  an  unfavourable  account  of  his  charges.  Their 
insolent  haughtiness  shewed  itself  on  every  occasion, 


1097]     Marriage  of  the  Cid's  Daughters.      31 1 

and  was  encouraged  by  their  uncle,  Suero  Gonzalez, 
who  accompanied  them.  Still  the  Cid  hoped  for 
the  best,  and,  on  their  arrival,  he  gave  them  splen- 
did lodging  in  Alcudia,  where  he  himself  had  lived 
before  he  gained  possession  of  the  city. 

On  the  day  of  the  betrothal  the  alcazar  was  nobly 
decked  with  hangings  of  gold  and  brocade,  and  the 
Cid  made  his  entrance  with  the  Infantes  on  either 
side  of  him,  the  rest  of  the  company  following  be- 
hind. Dona  Jimena  and  her  daughters  rose  to 
greet  them,  and  each  took  his  seat  as  befitted  his 
rank.  After  a  pause  the  Cid  arose  and  called  upon 
Alvar  Fanez  to  fulfil  the  commission  he  had  received 
from  the  King  ;  at  the  same  time  he  bade  those 
present  bear  witness  that  it  was  the  King  who  gave 
the  ladies  in  marriage,  and  not  he.  So  they  were  sol- 
emnly betrothed,  and  the  wedding  was  fixed  for  the 
next  day,  when  it  was  celebrated  with  all  pomp  by 
the  Bishop.  The  wedding-feasts  lasted  seven  days, 
with  bull-fighting,  hurling  at  the  hoarding,  and 
matches  at  the  jereed\  the  minstrels  received  rich 
gifts  for  the  songs  and  music  with  which  they  con- 
tributed to  the  general  merriment.  Never  was  such 
a  wedding  seen  ;  when  the  guests  took  their  leave, 
simple  and  noble  alike  received  so  goodly  a  present 
as  to  make  their  friends  at  home  regret  that  they  too 
had  not  accepted  the  Cid's  invitation. 

For  two  years  the  Cid  dwelt  in  peace  with  his 
sons-in-law  at  Valencia.  It  seemed  as  if  all  his  fore- 
bodings had  been  unjustifiable,  but  an  unfortunate 
accident  that  now  took  place  was  the  beginning  of 
ill-will.     In  a  court  of  the  Cid's  house  was  kept  a 


The  Cid.  [1095- 


savage  lion,  guarded  by  three  men.  One  day,  after 
dining  in  the  company  of  his  trusty  men,  the  Cid 
was  dozing  on  his  settle.  In  the  hall  with  him  were 
the  Infantes  playing. at  chess.  "  The  lion  got  loose 
and  came  forth  from  its  cage.  Great  was  the  terror 
in  the  midst  of  the  court.  The  men  of  the  Cam- 
peador  rolled  their  mantles  round  their  arms,  and, 
surrounding  the  settle,  stood  fast  by  their  master. 
Fernando  Gonzalez  could  find  nowhere  to  climb,  no 
chamber  open,  nor  any  turret  ;  he  scrambled  under 
the  settle,  so  great  was  his  fear.  Diego  Gonzalez 
rushed  out  of  the  door  calling  aloud,  '  Nevermore 
shall  I  see  Carrion.'  Behind  a  wine-press  beam  he 
hid  himself  in  his  fright ;  when  he  came  forth  his 
mantle  and  his  doublet  were  all  befouled.  The  din 
awoke  him  who  was  born  in  happy  hour ;  he  saw  his 
settle  surrounded  by  his  trusty  men  :  '  What  is  this, 
my  men  ?  What  would  you  have  of  me  ?  ' — *  Nay 
honoured  sir,  the  lion  surprised  us.*  My  Cid 
propped  himself  on  his  elbow  and  then  rose  to  his 
feet  ;  his  mantle  hung  about  his  neck  ;  he  made 
straight  for  the  lion.  The  lion,  when  it  saw  him 
thus,  was  cowed  before  my  Cid  ;  it  bent  its  head 
and  cowered  on  the  ground.  My  Cid  don  Rodrigo 
seized  it  by  the  neck  and  bore  it  away,  stroking  it, 
and  put  it  in  its  cage.  All  who  were  there  mar- 
velled and  returned  to  the  palace  to  the  presence- 
chamber.  My  Cid  asked  for  his  sons-in-law  and 
found  them  not.  They  called  aloud  for  them,  but 
none  made  answer.  When  they  found  them  and  they 
came  forth,  they  came  all  pale.  Never  have  you 
seen  such  banter  as  went  about  the  Court.     My  Cid 


1097]      Marriage  of  the  Cid's  Daughters.      313 

Campeadorgave  orders  it  should  cease.  The  Infantes 
of  Carrion  held  themselves  sore  aggrieved,  and  might- 
ily wroth  were  they  at  what  had  befallen  them."  * 

Other  proofs  of  their  worthlessness  were  soon 
forthcoming.  King  Bucar  appeared  with  an  innu- 
merable host  before  the  walls,  and  sent  his  messen- 
ger to  demand  in  haughty  terms  that  Valencia 
should  be  given  up  to  him.  "  Now  God  had  given 
such  special  favour  to  the  Cid  that  no  Moor  ever 
came  into  his  presence  without  being  terror-stricken." 
At  first  the  messenger  could  not  utter  a  word,  but 
after  being  assured  that  the  herald's  office  was  held 
sacred,  he  delivered  his  message.  He  was  bidden  to 
return  with  the  Cid's  challenge  to  his  master,  and 
never  again  to  come  back.  The  Infantes  had  already 
decided  to  avenge  upon  the  Cid's  daughters  the 
mockery  which  their  own  cowardice  had  caused. 
But  by  the  advice  of  their  uncle,  Suero  Gonzalez, 
whom  they  had  taken  into  their  confidence,  they 
concealed  their  ill-will  and  accompanied  their  father- 
in-law  when  he  mounted  to  the  highest  tower  of 
Valencia  to  form  some  idea  of  the  number  and  posi- 
tion of  the  enemy.  So  terrified  were  they  by  what 
they  saw  that  they  gave  utterance  to  gloomy  fore- 
bodings that  they  should  never  again  see  their 
native  place.  They  were  overheard  by  one  of  the 
Cid's  men,  and  their  words  were  faithfully  reported 
to  him.  Thinking  to  do  them  a  kindness,  he  pro- 
posed that  they  should  remain  within  the  walls 
while  he  went  out  against  the  enemy.  But  they 
dreaded  more  than  anything  the  discovery  of  their 

*  Foema  del  Cid,  v.  2282-2309. 


314  The  Cid.  [1095- 

weakness,  and  proudly  declared  that  they  would  go 
with  the  rest,  and  would  guard  the  Cid's  person  as 
though  they  were  his  own  sons.  In  the  thick  of 
the  fight  that  followed  the  Infante  Diego  made  as 
though  he  would  attack  a  Saracen  knight.  But 
when  he  saw  that  his  adversary  came  towards  him 
boldly,  his  heart  failed  him  and  he  turned  his  horse 
and  fled.  This  took  place  in  sight  of  Ordofio,  the 
nephew  of  the  Cid ;  none  else  had  witnessed  the  In- 
fante's cowardice,  so  thinking  to  gladden  his  mas- 
ter's heart,  Ordono  charged  the  Saracen  and  after 
thrusting  him  through  the  body  till  the  pennant  of 
his  lance  came  out  at  his  back,  he  caught  his  horse 
by  the  rein  and,  calling  to  Diego  Gonzalez,  bade 
him  take  it  and  declare  that  it  was  he  who  had  slain 
its  rider.  Ordono  promised  that  he  would  never 
reveal  the  trick  unless  the  Infante  gave  him  cause 
to  do  so.  The  Saracen  host  was  broken  and  routed. 
King  Bucar  fled  to  his  ships,  so  closely  pursued 
by  the  Cid  that,  as  he  was  climbing  on  board,  he 
was  sorely  wounded  by  the  Cid's  sword  hurled 
through  the  air  by  his  good  right  arm.  So  great 
was  the  booty  that  each  of  the  Infantes  received  the 
value  of  one  thousand  marks  of  silver  as  his  share. 
They  were  now  more  than  ever  determined  to  carry 
out  their  foul  treachery,  and  demanded  permission 
to  return  to  Castille,  with  their  wives,  in  order  to 
look  after  their  affairs.  This  the  Cid  reluctantly 
granted  ;  when  Doiia  Jimena  and  Alvar  Faiiez  ex- 
pressed their  misgivings  on  the  subject,  he  refused 
to  believe  that  noblemen,  who  owed  their  position 
in  his  family  to  the  King  himself,  could  be  guilty  of 


10971      Marriage  of  the  Cid's  Daughters.       315 

base  conduct  to  ladies.  So  the  Infantes  and  their 
wives,  loaded  with  rich  gifts  and  escorted  by  Martin 
Pelaez,  the  Asturian,  set  out  from  Valencia,  the  Cid 
himself  accompanying  them  a  league  on  their  way. 
As  soon  as  he  parted  from  them,  there  came  to  his 
mind  the  words  of  his  wife  and  Alvar  Faiiez,  and  the 
suspicious  conduct  of  the  Infantes,  but  it  was  now 
too  late  to  withdraw  his  permission  for  them  to 
take  away  his  daughters.  He,  however,  sent  after 
them  his  nephew,  Ordoiio,  ordering  him  to  follow 
them  to  Carrion,  on  foot  and  in  disguise,  to  see  what 
would  befall. 

Ordofio  was  a  prudent  knight  and  he  carried  out 
his  uncle's  orders  faithfully.  At  first  all  went  well 
and  the  ladies  and  their  husbands  reached  Quintana 
where  dwelt  Abencafio,  a  Saracen  King,  vassal  of 
the  Cid.  He  received  them  gladly,  and  hospitably 
bade  them  rest  some  days  in  his  house,  but  the  In- 
fantes excused  themselves,  saying  they  travelled  in 
haste  and  had  their  lodging  secured  each  night  in 
advance.  Thus  they  reached  the  Oakwoods  {Robtedo) 
of  Corpes,  the  place  they  had  fixed  upon  for  brutally 
outraging  their  wives.  They  bade  all  their  company 
go  on  ahead,  saying  that  they  would  follow  after 
with  the  ladies.  Instead  of  so  doing  they  plunged 
deeper  into  the  forest,  till  they  came  to  a  fountain 
where  they  dismounted.  Then  they  stripped  the 
ladies  to  their  smocks,  dragged  them  by  their  hair 
and  beat  them  with  the  girths  of  their  horses  and 
tore  their  tender  flesh  with  their  spurs.  The  ladies 
cried  aloud  for  mercy,  but  their  tormentors  only  re- 
doubled their  blows,  until  at  last  they  left  them  for 


3i6  The  Cid.  [1095- 

dead.  ''  Oh,"  sings  the  minstrel,  "  that  the  Cid 
Campeador  could  have  come  up  at  that  moment !  " 

So  the  Infantes  mounted  and  rode  away,  taking 
with  them  the  mules  and  robes  of  their  wives,  and 
saying,  "  Lie  there,  daughters  of  the  Cid  of  Bivar, 
for  ye  were  not  worthy  to  be  our  wives.  We  will 
see  how  your  father  will  avenge  you,  for  now  we  are 
avenged  of  the  dishonour  he  did  us  in  Valencia  with 
the  Hon."  Shortly  after  they  were  gone,  Ordofio 
reached  the  spot,  and,  finding  his  cousins  in  such 
evil  case,  he  made  great  lamentation  over  them. 
But  prudence  checked  his  tears,  and,  fearing  that  the 
Infantes  would  return  to  complete  their  foul  deed 
by  murdering  their  wives,  he  carried  them  on  his 
back  into  the  depths  of  the  forest  where,  laying  them 
on  a  bed  of  leaves,  he  covered  them  with  his  mantle. 
Meanwhile,  the  Infantes  had  come  up  with  their 
escort,  and  when  the  Cid's  knights  saw  them  all 
bloody  and  leading  the  palfreys  of  their  wives  laden 
with  their  clothes,  they  suspected  some  evil.  At 
first  they  thought  of  attacking  and  slaying  the  In- 
fantes, but  afterwards  determined  to  demand  an 
explanation.  The  Infantes  declared  that  being  de- 
sirous to  rid  themselves  of  their  wives  they  had  left 
them  alive  and  well  in  the  Oakwoods  of  Corpes.  So 
the  knights  rode  back,  and,  when  they  reached  the 
fountain  and  found  the  ground  all  trampled  and 
bloody,  they  called  aloud  to  the  ladies  but  got  no 
answer,  though  those  they  sought  were  in  hiding 
close  by.  Ordoiio  and  his  charges  heard  them,  but 
they  made  no  answer,  for  they  supposed  it  had  been 
the  Infantes  who  were  come  back. 

When  all  was  quiet  again,   Ordono  stole  out  to 


1097]     Mai'riage  of  the  C id's  Daughters.       317 

procure  food  in  a  neighbouring  village.  Here  he 
found  a  farmer  who  in  his  youth  had  served  the  Cid 
and  preserved  so  kindly  a  memory  of  him  that  Or- 
dono  confided  to  him  the  whole  story  of  the  ladies. 
The  farmer  forthwith  saddled  his  mule,  accompanied 
Ordofio  to  the  forest,  and  brought  the  ladies  to  his 
house,  where  they  were  waited  on  by  the  daughters 
of  their  host.  Leaving  the  outraged  ladies  to  heal 
of  their  wounds,  Ordofio  set  out  for  Valencia,  bear- 
ing letters  from  them  to  their  father,  written  with 
their  blood,  for  they  rightly  supposed  that  the  Cid 
would  refuse  to  believe  that  he  had  been  thus  dis- 
honoured, unless  he  saw  it  in  the  actual  writing  of 
his  daughters.  He  had  not  gone  far  on  his  way 
when  he  met  with  Alvar  Failez  and  Pero  Bermudez, 
who,  when  they  saw  him  come  thus  on  foot  and  ill 
clad,  were  astonished.  He  told  them  all  that  had 
happened,  and,  after  many  outbursts  of  grief  and 
indignation,  it  was  decided  that  Ordofio  should  con- 
tinue his  journey  to  Valencia  while  the  others  went 
to  fulfil  the  purpose  of  their  embassy,  and  lay  the 
matter  before  the  King.  Alfonso  at  once  accepted 
the  responsibility  of  the  whole  affair  ;  he  undertook 
to  see  the  ladies  righted  and  brought  to  a  more  hon- 
ourable position  than  that  which  they  had  before  en- 
joyed, and  he  straightway  summoned  the  Infantes  of 
Carrion  to  appear  at  Court  within  three  months 
to  answer  for  their  conduct.  Moreover  he  made 
ready  a  rich  present  of  palfreys  and  furs  for  Elvira  and 
Sol  and  sent  it  by  the  hands  of  Alvar  Fafiez,  who 
purposed  to  take  the  ladies  back  to  Valencia  with  him 
on  his  return. 

The   Cid  had  already  heard  of    their  misfortune 


3i8  The  Cid.  [1095- 

from  Ordofio,  and  great  was  his  wrath  and  sorrow. 
From  the  King's  promise  he  took  some  comfort,  and 
prepared  to  attend  the  Cortes  to  which  he  was  sum- 
moned in  order  that  he  might  confront  those  who 
had  outraged  his  honour.  Valencia  was  left  in  charge 
of  the  Bishop  and  Pero  Bermudez  ;  the  Cid  took  with 
him  the  greater  part  of  his  army,  for  he  knew  that 
the  faction  of  the  Carrions,  combined  with  his  other 
enemies,  was  very  powerful  and  unscrupulous.  Nine 
hundred  knights  and  five  hundred  squires  followed 
him  to  Toledo  where  the  Cortes  were  to  be  held. 
When  they  drew  near  the  city  the  King  came  out 
to  meet  them  and  offered  them  lodging  in  his  palace. 
This  the  Cid  refused  declaring  that  none  but  the 
King  should  occupy  the  palace.  For  himself  he 
chose  to  lodge  outside  the  city  on  the  other  bank  of 
the  Tagus  in  the  suburb  of  San  Servan.  It  was 
agreed  that  the  Cortes  should  be  held  next  day  in 
the  palace  of  Galiana  which  was  more  spacious  than 
the  alcazar.  At  evening  news  came  to  the  Cid  how 
the  hall  was  being  decked  for  the  trial  and  how  the 
King  was  to  sit  on  a  raised  dais  on  which  was  placed 
the  throne  that  he  gained  at  the  taking  of  Toledo. 
For  the  nobles  benches  were  provided  more  or  less 
near  to  the  throne  according  to  the  rank  of  those  for 
whom  they  were  intended.  The  Cid  feared  that 
some  one  of  the  great  nobles  would  occupy  the  posi- 
tion next  to  the  King  which  he  considered  belonged 
of  right  to  himself.  To  prevent  this  he  sent  over- 
night a  hundred  of  his  esquires  under  the  command 
of  Fernand  Alfonso  to  carry  his  ivory  settle  and  to 
place  it  in  the  chief  position  and  keep  guard  over  it 


1097]      Marriage  of  the  Cid^s  DaugJUe7's.       319 

till  morning.  The  King  reached  the  hall  before  the 
Cid  and  with  him  came  many  of  the  Cid's  enemies. 
When  they  saw  the  ivory  throne  and  the  esquires 
keeping  guard  over  it  they  began  to  mock,  and  Suero 
Gonzalez  asked  what  lady's  couch  was  that,  and 
would  she  appear  in  Moorish  dress  to  seat  herself 
upon  it  ?  He  begged  that  it  might  be  removed. 
Then  Fernand  Alfonso  forgot  the  prudence  that  the 
Cid  had  enjoined  upon  all  his  men  ;  he  taunted  Suero 
Gonzalez  saying  he  would  make  him  admit  that  the 
owner  of  the  settle  was  a  better  man  than  he.  The 
Count  rolled  his  mantle  round  his  arm  and  made  for 
him  ;  blood  would  surely  have  been  shed  had  not  the 
King  interposed  declaring  that  the  Cid's  fame  war- 
ranted his  claim  to  the  highest  place  a  vassal  could 
occupy. 

As  soon  as  the  turmoil  had  abated,  the  Cid  made 
his  entry  accompanied  by  his  trusty  followers  wear- 
ing armour  under  their  cloaks  for  fear  of  attack.  He 
made  as  though  he  would  have  seated  himself  hum- 
bly at  the  King's  feet,  and  consented  with  seeming 
reluctance  when  bidden  to  occupy  his  settle  by  the 
King's  side.  After  this  the  Cid  arose  and  prayed 
the  King  to  forbid  all  interruptions  and  all  arrogant 
conduct  and  words  that  might  lead  to  blows  in  his 
presence.  The  King  assented  and  ordered  that  any 
who  should  speak  without  his  permission,  or  provoke 
the  Cid,  should  die  a  traitor's  death.  He  then  bade 
the  Cid  choose  arbiters  to  try  his  cause,  but  the  Cid 
refused  and  the  King  himself  appointed  six  of  the 
most  noble  of  those  present.  The  Cid  then  began 
to  plead  his  cause  before  the  court  thus  constituted : 


320  The  Cid,  [1095- 

"  I  demand,  in  your  presence,  of  the  Infantes  of 
Carrion  two  swords  which  I  lent  them  :  one  is  Colada 
and  the  other  is  Tizona.  It  is  not  right  that  they 
keep  them  against  my  will."  To  this  the  Infantes 
made  no  reply,  so  the  King  ordered  the  arbiters  to 
give  sentence  which  was,  of  course,  favourable  to 
the  Cid.  But  the  Infantes  kept  their  seats,  and  made 
no  show  of  giving  them  up  till  the  King  himself  rose 
angrily  and  took  the  swords  from  beneath  their 
mantles  and  placed  them  in  their  owner's  hands. 
The  Cid  made  great  rejoicing  over  them,  addressing 
them  as  though  they  had  been  alive  and  condoling 
with  them  for  their  long  detention  in  such  unworthy 
hands.^  Then  at  the  request  of  Alvar  Fafiez  he 
gave  to  him  Colada  wherewith  to  guard  him  during 
the  Cortes.  Pero  Bermudez  received  Tizona  on  like 
conditions,  and  then  the  Cid  rose  again.  *'  Sir,"  he 
said,  addressing  the  King,  "  when  the  Infantes  left 
Valencia  with  my  daughters,  I  gave  them  horses  and 
mules,  and  cups  and  platters  of  fine  gold,  and  much 
wrought  silver  and  rich  stuffs,  and  other  wealth  and 
presents  from  my  store,  thinking  that  I  gave  them 
to  sons  whom  I  loved.  And  now.  Sir,  that  they  have 
deserted  my  daughters,  and  think  they  are  dishon- 
oured by  their  marriage,  bid  them  give  me  my  prop- 
erty which  I  bestowed  on  them,  or  shew  some  ^cause 
why  they  retain  it."  The  Infantes  begged  for  an  in- 
terval for  consultation,  and  then  their  kinsman,  the 
Cid's  enemy,  spoke  for  them,  saying  that  the  Infantes 

*  Even  before  the  time  of  chivalry  the  sword  was  treated  with 
superstitious  reverence.  In  our  own  days  the  Syndic  of  Vitoria 
takes  the  oath  of  his  office  upon  a  wooden  sword  preserved  in  a  hollow 
of  the  wall  of  the  church  of  San  Miguel. 


1097]      Marriage  of  the  Cid's  Daughtej^s.       3^1 

had  spent  in  the  King's  service  the  money  they  had 
received,  and  begging  that,  if  they  were  compelled 
to  repay  it,  a  delay  should  be  granted  so  that  they 
might  go  to  their  estates  to  collect  so  large  a  sum. 
The  King  declared  his  willingness  to  restore  anything 
that  might  have  been  spent  on  his  service,  and  the 
Court  gave  sentence  that  all  the  Cid's  wealth  should 
be  returned  to  him  without  delay.  Finally,  however, 
at  the  request  of  those  present  the  King  persuaded 
the  Cid  to  grant  of  his  own  free  will  a  delay  of  a 
fortnight  for  the  collection  of  the  money,  and  it  was 
arranged  that  the  Infantes  should  remain  as  hostages 
till  it  was  paid. 

So  all  the  kinsmen  of  Carrion  ''  went  about  seek- 
ing horses,  and  mules,  and  beasts  of  burden  and  sil- 
ver cups  and  dishes,  and  jewels,  and  as  they  received 
them  they  handed  them  over  to  the  Cid's  steward." 
But  their  punishment  was  by  no  means  complete. 
The  losses  in  money  had  been  made  good,  but  out- 
raged honour  called  for  vengeance.  So  one  day 
whilst  the  King  was  holding  his  Court  the  Cid  arose, 
and  told  him  plainly  that  in  treating  his  daughters 
as  they  had  done,  the  Infantes  had  aggrieved  rather 
him  who  matched  the  ladies  than  their  father.  He, 
however,  demanded  vengeance  for  the  wrong  done 
him,  and  declared  himself  willing,  if  it  were  the 
King's  pleasure,  to  drag  the  Infantes  out  of  Carrion 
by  the  throats,  and  take  them  to  Valencia  to  their 
wives  to  make  them  eat  the  food  they  deserved. 
The  King  readily  acknowledged  that  it  was  through 
him  that  all  this  trouble  had  come  upon  the  Cid,  but 
he   insisted    that,  as   the  umpires   were   present,  it 


2,2  2  The  Cid.  [1095- 

woLild  be  right  to  abide  by  their  award.  Then  the 
Cid  arose  and-uttered  the  formal  challenge  :  "  To  you 
Diego  Gonzalez  and  Fernando  Gonzalez  I  say,  that 
you  are  traitors  and  did  foul  treachery  in  leaving 
your  wives,  as  you  did,  for  dead,  sore  stricken  in  the 
Oakwoods  of  Corpes,  alone  and  without  company,  as 
though  they  had  been  bad  or  common  women.  For 
this  reason  I  call  you  traitors.  And  I  will  appoint 
your  equals  *  to  fight  with  you  and  to  make  good  my 
words,  and  they  shall  slay  you  or  drive  you  forth  from 
the  lists  or  make  you  confess  it  in  your  throats." 

The  only  plea  put  forward  by  the  Infantes  was 
their  noble  blood  and  the  unworthiness  of  the  Cid's 
family  to  mate  with  them.  The  King  disallowed  the 
plea  and  bade  the  Infantes  look  to  their  defence,  for 
a  challenge  involving  dishonour  such  as  the  Cid  had 
uttered  could  by  no  means  be  met  by  a  mere  refusal. 
The  Cid's  men  had  been  excited  spectators  of  the 
whole  scene,  and  their  eagerness  had  hitherto  only 
been  kept  in  check  by  the  threat  uttered  by  the  King 
against  any  who  should  create  a  disturbance.  But 
the  time  was  near  at  hand  when  all  their  rage  need 
no  longer  be  kept  under  and  they  could  utter  their 
challenge.  The  first  to  speak  f  was  Ordofio  who  had 
been  dubbed  knight  that  very  morning  in  San  Servan. 
He  sprang  to  his  feet  and  gave  Diego  Gonzalez^the 
lie  direct.  Before  the  w^iole  Court  he  told  the  story 
of  how  Diego  had  run  away  from  his  Saracen  ad- 


*  For  this  passage,  -and  the  account  of  the  fight  that  follows  it,  see 
Appendix  I. 

f  We  follow  here  the  Cronica  General ;  the  account  given  in  the 
Poema  is  somewhat  different  (see  lines  3270-3390). 


1097]      Marriage  of  the  Cid's  Daughters. 


versary  in  the  great  battle  with  King  Bucar  and  had 
afterwards  pretended  to  have  slain   him.     So  far  it 
had  been  kept  a  secret,  but  now  he  was  justified  in 
putting  him  to  shame.     He  twitted  him  with  the  ad- 
venture with  the  lion  and  ended  by  formally  chal- 
lenging him  for  his  unknightly  conduct  towards  his 
wife.     The  Infantes  were  cowed  and  uttered  not  a 
word.     Garcia  Ordonez,  who  had  made  the  Infantes' 
quarrel  his  own,  was  a  bolder  spirit.     ''  Away  with 
you,  my  nephews,"  he  cried,  "  and  let  the  Cid  sit  at 
his  ease  on  his  settle  like  a  bridegroom,  for  he  thinks 
to  frighten  us  with  his  long  beard.     Let  him  go  to 
Molina  and  exact  his  tribute  from  the  wretched  Sara- 
cens whom  he  has  conquered  ;  or  let  him  go  to  the 
river  of  Ovierna  where  he  was  born,  and  look  after 
his  mills  and  take  his  miller's  fee  and  leave  his  bet- 
ters alone."     Fierce  looks  were  exchanged  but  none 
replied,  for  the  Cid's  injunction  to  his  men  had  been 
strict.     Then   the  Cid   turned   to   his   nephew,  Pero 
Bermudez,  and  playing  on   his  name  (mtido,  dumb), 
he  said,  "  Speak  up,  dumb  Peter,  why  are  you  silent  ? 
Do  you  not  know  that  my  daughters  are  your  cous- 
ins, and  that  your  share  in  their  dishonour  and  in 
mine  is  a  large  one,  and  that  it  is  your  duty  to  de- 
mand satisfaction  ?  "     Actions  were  easier  to  Pero 
Bermudez  than  words  ;  furious  at  the  Cid's  allusion 
to  his  stuttering  speech  in  the  presence  of  the  Court, 
he  rolled  his  mantle  round  his  arm,  rushed  forward, 
and  struck  Garcia  Ordonez  a  blow  in  the  face  that 
brought  him  to  the  ground.      Immediately  the  as- 
sembly was  in  an  uproar  ;  each  party  uttered  its  war- 
cry,  and  only  by  the  efforts  of   the   Cid  and  King 


324  Th£  Czd,  [1095- 

wcre  they  prevented  from  fighting  out  their  quarrel 
on  the  spot. 

The  Infantes  took  advantage  of  the  turmoil  to 
escape,  but  they  were  brought  back,  and  after  the 
Cid  had  excused  his  men's  conduct  by  pointing  out 
the  intolerable  insults  to  which  he  had  been  sub- 
jected, the  King  gave  orders  that  the  challenging 
should  be  done  in  more  moderate  language.  Then 
Pero  Bermudez  delivered  himself  of  his  challenge ; 
his  words  were  few  but  forcible.  He  mockingly 
asked  Garcia  Ordonez  how  he  dared  to  insult  the 
Cid's  honourable  beard  (see  p.  355)  when  his  own  still 
shewed  the  patches  where  the  hair  had  been  plucked 
out  by  the  Cid's  men  when,  vanquished  and  a  pris- 
oner, he  was  carried  off  on  a  pack-saddle.  Seeing 
the  turn  that  affairs  were  taking,  Suero  Gonzalez 
bade  his  nephews  leave  the  Court  and  not  subject 
themselves  to  further  insult.  He  would  fight,  he 
said,  but  would  not  bandy  words  with  inferiors. 
Thereupon  Alvar  Fanez  cried  out  that,  were  it  not 
out  of  respect  for  the  King,  he  would  make  him  eat 
his  words  on  the  spot.  It  looked  again  as  if  the  two 
parties  would  come  to  blows,  so  the  King  withdrew 
with  the  umpires  to  consider  their  verdict,  and  the 
Cid  and  his  men  were  left  alone  in  the  hall.  When 
they  returned,  the  King  acted  as  spokesman,  order- 
ing "  that  the  two  Infantes  and  Count  Suero  Gon- 
zalez, their  guardian  and  uncle,  who  had  advised  the 
dishonour  done  to  the  daughters  of  the  Cid,  should 
on  the  following  day  fight  with  such  as  the  Cid  might 
appoint  among  his  men  to  defend  their  word."  At 
their  own    request   Pero   Bermudez  was  chosen   to 


1097]     Marriage  of  the  Cid^s  Daughters.       325 

fight  with  Diego,  the  elder  of  the  Infantes:  Fer- 
nando was  assigned  to  Martin  AntoHnez  of  Burgos, 
and  Suero  Gonzalez  to  Niiiio  Gustios. 

The  Infantes  knew  that  they  had  but  a  poor 
chance  of  success  if  matched  with  the  practised 
warriors  of  the  Cid  ;  they  again  begged  for  a  delay 
in  which  they  might  return  to  Carrion  to  make  ready 
for  the  fight.  The  King  was  at  first  unwilling  to 
grant  their  request,  but  at  last  he  yielded  to  the  rep- 
resentations of  the  umpires,  and  three  weeks  was 
fixed  as  the  period  within  which  they  must  return. 
In  the  meantime  an  event  took  place,  which  made 
the  Cid  cease  to  regret  the  unfortunate  end  of  his 
daughters'  first  marriages.  There  came  to  the  Court 
the  messengers  of  the  Kings  of  Navarre  and  Aragon 
to  beg  the  daughters  of  the  Cid  in  marriage  for  the 
sons  of  their  masters.^  A  second  time  the  Cid 
trusted  the  fortunes  of  his  daughters  to  the  King, 
who  gladly  accepted  the  opportunity  of  making  him 
such  amends  as  he  could  by  consenting  to  the  hon- 
ourable match.  The  messengers  took  an  oath  in  the 
presence  of  the  King  to  appear  at  Valencia  within 
three  months  to  celebrate  the  double  wedding. 

The  Cid's  honour  was  now  safe  and  he  could  trust 
his  challengers  to  give  good  account  of  their  adver- 
saries. He  had  been  absent  some  time  from  Valencia, 
and  his  presence  was  no  longer  needed  at  Toledo. 
Before  leaving,  he  had  an  interview  with  the  King 


*  This  is,  of  course,  historically  untrue,  but  it  is  curious  to  note  the 
easy  manner  in  which  the  compilers  of  the  chronicles  pass  over  such 
difificulties  as  the  fact  that  the  ladies  were  legally  married  and  their 
husbands,  though  unworthy,  still  alive. 


326  The  Cid.  [1095- 

who  promised  to  watch  over  the  safety  of  the  three 
champions  and  see  justice  done  in  the  Cid's  cause. 
He  also  thanked  the  umpires  before  whom  the  trial 
had  been  held,  sending  them  rich  gifts,  some  of 
which  were  accepted,  but  others  returned  in  order 
that  no  suspicion  of  bribery  might  hang  over  the 
sentence.  When  the  Cid  left  Toledo  the  King  ac- 
companied him  to  do  him  honour.  They  rode  side 
by  side,  while  before  them  was  led  the  famous  horse, 
Babieca.  Suddenly  the  Cid  turned  to  the  King  and, 
imitating  the  ostentatious  Oriental  generosity  and 
bravado  of  his  Saracen  friends,  said,  "  Sir,  I  hold 
that  I  am  not  quitting  you  as  I  ought,  and  have  not 
shewn  my  duty  to  you  as  is  fitting,  since  I  take 
away  with  me  my  horse,  Babieca,  and  do  not  leave 
him  to  you.  For,  Sir,  a  horse  such  as  this  is  fitted 
for  one  such  as  you,  so  bid  your  men  take  him  and  I 
will  shew  you  what  he  is."  Then  he  bade  bring  the 
horse,  and  mounted  with  his  ermine  robe  hanging 
from  his  shoulders,  and  said,  "  Sir,  I  will  do  now  in 
your  presence  that  which  I  have  not  done  for  long, 
except  it  were  in  battle  with  my  enemies.  I  will 
touch  him  with  my  spurs  now  before  your  eyes." 
Horse  and  rider  exhibited  their  matchless  skill  till  a 
rein  broke,  but  the  Cid  was  too  good  a  horseman  to 
be  disconcerted,  and  he  drew  up  before  the  King  as 
easily  as  though  he  had  two  whole  reins.  All  de- 
clared that  never  had  they  beheld  so  good  a  knight, 
and  the  King  exclaimed,  ''  God  forbid,  Cid,  that  I 
should  take  him.  Rather  would  I  give  you  another 
and  a  better  one  if  I  had  him,  better  is  he  bestowed 
with  you  than  with  me  or  with  any  other,  for  with 


1097]      Mai^riage  of  the  CicV s  Daughters.       327 

this  horse  you  honour  yourself  and  me  and  all 
Christendom  by  your  feats  of  arms.  It  is  my  will 
that  he  be  counted  as  mine,  and  I  will  take  him 
when  it  shall  be  my  pleasure."  So  they  parted,  and 
the  Cid  rode  on  his  way,  and  with  him  for  some  dis- 
tance went  the  three  champions  who  were  to  defend 
his  honour.  He  charged  them  how  they  should  be- 
have in  the  battle,  and  they  vowed  that,  unless  vic- 
torious, they  would  never  again  appear  before  him. 

Three  days  after  the  Cid  had  gone,  the  King  set 
out  for  Carrion,  accompanied  by  the  six  umpires, 
for  he  feared  that  the  Infantes  would  never  present 
themselves  to  do  battle  before  him.  On  the  journey 
he  fell  ill,  and  the  affair  was  postponed  for  five 
weeks.  At  last  the  day  arrived,  and  the  lists  were 
measured  out  in  the  valley  of  Carrion.  Thither 
came  the  Infantes,  bringing  with  them  all  their  clan, 
for  they  were  resolved  to  murder  their  adversaries, 
so  as  to  avoid  a  fight  which  they  knew  would  be 
disastrous  to  them.  The  King's  guard,  however, 
kept  such  good  watch  that  the  attempt  failed  ; 
the  lists  were  surrounded  with  armed  men  to  pre- 
vent treachery.  While  the  Cid's  champions  were 
arming,  a  message  came  from  the  Infantes  to  the 
King,  begging  that  he  would  forbid  the  use  of 
Colada  and  Tizona  in  the  battle,  for  it  seemed  as  if 
some  of  the  Cid's  prowess  communicated  itself  to  his 
swords.  The  request  was  refused,  and  the  Infantes 
received  a  mocking  reply  saying  that,  if  they  set 
such  store  by  Colada  and  Tizona,  they  should  have 
defended  them  better  during  the  Cortes  at  Toledo. 

Pero  Bermudez,  Martin  Antolinez  and  Nuno  Gus- 


328  The  Cid.  [1095- 

tios  ageiin  besought  the  King's  protection  before 
riding  into  the  lists,  and  a  herald  proclaimed  that 
death  would  be  the  penalty  for  any  that  should 
hinder  or  harm  them.  The  limits  of  the  lists  were 
carefully  pointed  out  to  the  combatants  ;  another 
preliminary  was  to  arrange  the  two  parties  so  that 
neither  should  have  the  disadvantage  of  the  sun 
shining  full  in  their  eyes.  At  last  the  signal  for  at- 
tack was  given,  and  instantly  each  charged  his  foe. 
At  the  first  encounter,  both  the  Infantes  and  their 
uncle  were  wounded,  whilst  the  Cid's  men  remained 
unscathed.*  Again  they  charged,  and  this  time  the 
Infante  Diego  struck  Pero  Bermudez  full  on  the 
shield  and  drove  his  lance-point  through.  But  the 
Cid's  man  stuck  to  his  saddle  firmly,  and  used  his 
lance  so  well  that  he  broke  his  adversary's  breast- 
plate, and  the  girths  gave  way.  He  fell  over  his 
horse's  crupper,  so  sorely  wounded  that  all  the  spec- 
tators thought  him  dead,  for  the  lance-head  remained 
fixed  in  his  body.  Pero  Bermudez  rode  up  to  him 
as  he  rose  painfully  with  the  blood  streaming  from 
his  mouth.  Tizona  was  drawn,  and  when  he  saw 
the  well-known  blade  flashing  over  him,  he  tried  to 
save  his  life  by  confessing  himself  vanquished,  and 
his  cause  bad.  The  umpires  forbade  Bermudez  to 
strike  again,  and  indeed  it  was  not  necessary,  J[or 
Diego,  thoucrh  he  knew  it  not,  was  stricken  to 
death. 

Martin    Antolinez    and    Fernando    Gonzalez,   the 


*  It  should  be  remembered  in  reading  the  accounts  of  these  very 
unequal  contests,  that  technically  at  least,  they  were  supposed  to 
represent  the  judgment  of  God  on  the  matter  at  issue. 


1097]      Marriage  of  the  Cld's  Daughters.       329 

other  Infante,  fought  manfully  with  their  lances  un- 
til they  broke  them,  each  on  his  adversary's  body. 
Then  they  laid  hand  to  their  swords,  and  Martin 
Antolinez  swung  Colada  aloft  and  brought  it  down 
with  an  oblique  blow  on  his  enemy's  helmet ;  it 
shore  through  the  steel  cap  and  through  the  aljjiofar 
of  mail  that  covered  the  neck  till  it  bit  deep  into  the 
bone.  The  Infante  lost  consciousness,  but  he  still 
sat  his  horse  with  his  sword  grasped  in  his  hand. 
Antolinez  made  at  him  again,  and  thrust  him  in  the 
face  with  the  point,  so  that  he  cried  aloud,  and 
spurred  his  horse  to  escape.  His  adversary  pursued 
him  crying,  "  Out  with  thee,  sir,  traitor,"  and  drove 
him  outside  the  lists,  so  that  he,  like  his  brother,  was 
vanquished. 

Suero  Gonzalez  proved  tougher  than  his  nephews. 
At  the  first  charge  he  thrust  through  his  adversary's 
shield,  and  though  his  lance-point  passed  harmless 
by  his  body,  the  shock  compelled  him  to  cling  to  his 
horse,  for  he  had  lost  his  stirrups.  But  Nuiio  Gus- 
tios  was  no  less  stout  a  champion  than  his  compan- 
ions. Recovering  quickly,  he  attacked  his  enemy 
with  such  fury  that  he  drove  his  lance  through  his 
body,  and  the  pennant  shewed  through  at  his  shoul- 
ders. Suero  Gonzalez  fell  back  over  the  crupper  of 
his  horse  and  all  men  thought  him  dead.  But  he 
had  not  yet  confessed  his  wrong,  so  Nufio  Gustios 
turned  his  horse  and  rode  towards  him  as  though  to 
strike  him,  but  he  passed  over  him  without  striking. 
Then  the  father  of  the  wounded  man  called  aloud 
saying,  "  For  God's  sake  strike  him  no  more,  for  he 
is    vanquished."      Even    so  the   conqueror  was    not 


TJie  Cid.  [1095- 


satisfied  ;  he  asked  the  umpires  whether  the  father's 
words  might  be  taken  as  an  admission  of  defeat  on 
the  part  of  his  son.  They  told  him  it  was  not  so, 
for  the  barbarous  law  of  the  lists  recognised  only 
three  forms  of  victory :  the  slaying  of  the  enemy  ; 
or  compelling  him  to  admit  in  the  presence  of  all 
that  he  was  in  the  wrong  ;  or  obliging  him  to  seek 
refuge  outside  the  lists.  Then  Nuiio  Gustios  would 
have  struck  him  again  and  so  spared  him  the  neces- 
sity of  acknowledging  his  defeat,  but  Suero  Gon- 
zalez, when  he  saw  the  blow  about  to  descend, 
exclaimed,  *'  Strike  me  not,  Nufio  Gustios,  for  I  am 
vanquished  and  all  is  true  that  you  said,"  and  when 
the  umpires  heard  his  words  they  said,  "  Strike  him 
no  more." 

Then  the  King  entered  the  lists  with  many  noble 
knights,  and  he  ordered  the  umpires  to  come  before 
him  and  he  asked  them  if  the  knights  of  the  Cid  had 
aught  more  to  do  to  fulfil  their  right  as  they  had 
vowed.  The  umpires  answered,  '*  Sir,  the  Cid's 
men  have  conquered  in  the  lists  and  have  fulfilled 
their  right,"  and  all  the  gentlemen  there  present  said, 
*'  They  speak  justly  and  truly."  The  King  then  sol- 
emnly declared  the  Infantes  and  their  uncle  Suero 
Gonzalez  to  be  proven  traitors,  and  he  bade  his  stew- 
ard take  their  arms  and  horses.  "  And  afte^'  the 
sentence  was  given,"  says  the  chronicler,  '*  that  fam- 
ily never  again  raised  its  head  or  was  of  any  account 
in  Castille."  The  Cid's  men  were  formally  conducted 
from  the  lists,  and  returned  with  much  honour  to 
Valencia. 


'sAUWhk^^d^^l^^^^ 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

THE   LAST   BATTLES   AND    DEATH   OF   THE   CID. 
I 096- I 099. 

THE  Cid's  new  ally,  Pedro,  King  of  Aragon,  had 
returned  after  the  interview  at  Burriana  for 
the  purpose  of  organising  the  kingdom  which 
he  had  lately  inherited.  No  long  time  elapsed  how- 
ever before  he  was  called  upon  to  fulfil  his  bond. 
He  came  immediately  to  Valencia  with  his  army 
and,  after  joining  forces  with  the  Cid,  the  allies  de- 
cided to  meet  the  threatened  danger  half-way  and 
to  attack  the  Almoravides.  The  united  armies 
marched  southward  with  the  intention  of  garrison- 
ing and  provisioning  the  mountain  fortress  of  Pefia- 
catel,  which  stood  a  few  miles  distant  from  the  coast, 
between  Jativa  and  Gandia,  guarding  the  entrance 
to  the  plain  from  the  south.  As  they  approached 
Jativa  they  were  met  by  the  enemy  in  force — the 
chronicle  states  their  numbers  at  thirty  thousand — 
under  the  leadership  of  Mohammed  Ibn-Ayisha.  It 
looked  as  if  a  decisive  battle  was  about  to  be  fought, 
but  the  Saracens  for  some  unexplained  reason  did 
not  dare  to  attack;  the  Cid,  too,  was  anxious  to  es- 

331 


The  Cid.  [1096- 


tablish  a  firm  basis  for  operations  in  Penacatel  before 
he  risked  fighting.  In  this  he  was  entirely  success- 
ful. For  while  the  Saracens  kept  to  the  hills,  shout- 
ing and  howling,  as  was  their  wont,  he  marched 
boldly  past  them  and  brought  into  Penacatel  the 
provisions  intended  for  it,  swelled  by  all  the  booty 
he  had  collected  by  the  way. 

On  leaving  Penacatel  the  Cid  and  Don  Pedro  pur- 
sued their  way  further  westward,  again  followed  by 
the  Almoravide  army,  and  camped  at  Beiren,  near 
Gandia,  where  the  mountains  come  down  close  to  the 
sea-shore.  To  the  west,  or  right  wing,  of  their  army 
lay  a  ridge  more  than  a  mile  in  length,  on  which  Ibn- 
Ayisha  and  his  army  took  up  a  position,  cutting  off 
the  Christians  on  the  landward  side.  It  seemed  as 
if  the  Cid  was  taken  in  a  trap,  for  on  the  east,  or  left 
wing,  a  Saracen  fleet,  prepared  to  support  the  army, 
lay  close  in  to  the  shore.  Whilst  occupied  in  resist- 
ing the  attack  of  the  Almoravide  land  force,  which 
enjoyed  all  the  advantages  of  a  superior  position, 
the  Cid's  troops  were  harassed  by  arrows  and  other 
missiles  from  the  ships.  Although  they  knew  that 
defeat  in  such  a  position  meant  extermination,  the 
Christians  began  to  waver.  Their  courage  was  only 
restored  by  the  heroism  of  their  leader,  who  rode 
along  the  lines  exhorting  his  men  and  bidding'^ihem 
not  be  afraid  of  the  numbers  of  an  enemy  whom,  as 
he  assured  them,  God  would  deliver  into  their  hands. 
Up  to  mid-day  the  allies  were  content  to  act  on  the 
defensive,  but  at  that  hour  a  gallant  charge  was 
made  and  the  hill  on  the  landward  side  was  stormed. 
Many  of  the  Saracens  were  slain  and  many  perished 


1099]  Last  Battles  and  Death.  333 

in  the  sea  while  attempting  to  reach  the  ships.  The 
victory  was  complete,  and  the  booty  which  the  con- 
querors brought  back,  in  treasure,  arms,  and  horses, 
was  very  great. 

After  only  a  few  days'  rest  in  Valencia  the  two 
armies  set  forth  again,  this  time  in  a  northerly  direc- 
tion, on  a  commission  affecting  the  interests  of  the 
King  of  Aragon.  The  Castle  of  Montornes,  in  the 
province  of  Lerida,  had  closed  its  gates  against  its 
lord,  Don  Pedro,  and  he  called  upon  his  ally,  the 
Cid,to  aid  him  in  reducing  it  to  submission.  Pleased 
with  the  advantages  which  his  new  alliance  had  al- 
ready produced,  and  willing  to  undergo  the  sacrifices 
which  it  entailed,  the  Cid  acceded  to  the  request. 
The  place  was  reduced  without  great  effort  and  the 
two  armies  separated,  Don  Pedro  returning  to  his 
capital,  and  the  Cid  to  Valencia. 

Eager  to  turn  to  the  best  advantage  the  discour- 
agement produced  among  the  Saracens  by  his  late 
victory,  and  having  now  freed  his  hands  by  dis- 
charging his  obligation  towards  the  ally  who  had 
contributed  towards  it,  the  Cid  made  no  long  stay  in 
Valencia.  In  pursuit  of  his  schemes  of  conquest  he 
set  out  on  what  was  to  be  the  last  of  his  many 
successful  campaigns. 

To  the  north  of  Valencia,  at  a  distance  of  less 
than  twenty  miles,  lies  Murviedro,  the  ancient 
Saguntum,  famous  for  its  heroic  and  tragical  struggle 
against  Hannibal.  The  position  of  Murviedro  is 
equally  important  to  one  who  would  attack  or  to  one 
who  would  hold  Valencia.  For  here  the  Roman 
road  from  Saragossa  meets  that  which  follows  the 


334  ^^^^  ^^^'  [1096- 

coast  to  Andalusia.  Feeling  himself  powerless  to 
defend  it  alone,  in  spite  of  the  strength  of  its  fortifi- 
cations, Ibn-Razin,  the  Cid's  old  enemy,  in  whose 
dominions  it  lay,  purchased  the  aid  of  the  Almora- 
vides.  Accordingly  one  day  when  the  Cid  had 
marched  away,  as  the  Latin  historian  puts  it, ''  to  ex- 
plore and  investigate  his  enemies,"  the  Almoravide 
general  Abu-'l-fath,  starting  suddenly  from  Jativa, 
threw  himself  with  a  body  of  troops  into  Murviedro. 
Such  a  menace  could  not  be  disregarded  and  the 
Cid  at  once  marched  against  him.  On  the  approach 
of  the  enemy  Abu-'l-fath,  mistrusting  his  strength, 
abandoned  Murviedro.  He  was  hotly  pursued  and 
shut  up  in  Almenara  a  few  miles  to  the  north.  The 
Cid  did  not  dare  to  turn  his  attention  to  Murviedro 
while  an  Almoravide  force  was  in  his  rear,  so  he  sat 
down  before  Almenara  at  a  place  still  known  as 
el  Pun  del  Cid  and  took  it  after  a  siege  of  three  weeks. 
The  whole  of  the  inhabitants  and  the  garrison  were 
allowed  to  depart  whither  they  would  without  ran- 
som, and  the  conqueror,  whose  piety  increased  with 
his  years,  gave  orders  for  a  church  to  be  built  in 
honour  of  the  Blessed  Virgin. 

Having  thus  discharged  his  thank-offering  the  Cid 
departed  giving  out  that  he  was  about  to  return 
home.  He  had  however  secretly  registered  a  vow 
not  to  revisit  Valencia  before  he  had  caused  mass  to 
be  sung  in  Murviedro.  A  sudden  change  in  the  di- 
rection of  his  march  brought  him  under  its  ancient 
walls  ^  and  the  siege  began.  All  means  of  in-coming 
and  out-going  were  cut  off,  machines  and  missiles  of 
*  The  name  Murviedro  (Muri  Veteres)  means  old  walls. 


vX 


i,;r,< 


1099]  Last  Battles  and  Death.  335 

all  kinds  were  employed  by  the  besiegers  ;  so  vigor- 
ously was  the  assault  carried  on  that  the  inhabitants 
were  speedily  reduced  to  a  state  bordering  on  de- 
spair. '■'■  What  shall  we  do,"  they  said,  ''  unhappy 
men  that  we  are  ?  This  tyrant  Rodrigo  will  never 
allow  us  to  inhabit  and  dwell  in  this  castle.  He  will 
do  with  us  even  as  he  did  with  the  inhabitants  of 
Valencia  and  as,  of  late,  with  those  of  Almenara 
who  were  unable  to  resist  him.  Let  us  see  then 
what  we  must  do.  As  matters  stand  we  and  our 
wives  and  our  sons  and  our  daughters  shall  doubtless 
die  of  hunger,  for  no  man  will  be  strong  enough  to 
snatch  us  from  his  hand." 

When  the  Cid  heard  of  the  state  of  feeling  in 
Murviedro  he  renewed  the  assault  with  redoubled 
energy.  Proposals  for  capitulation  were  soon  sent 
in  by  the  besieged.  They  begged  for  a  truce  of 
some  days  in  order  that  they  might  communicate 
with  those  to  whom  they  owed  allegiance ;  they 
pointed  out  that  a  city  of  the  fame  of  Saguntum 
could  not  be  lightly  surrendered  '^  and  they  vowed 
that,  unless  their  petition  were  granted,  they  would 
emulate  their  predecessors  and  die  to  the  last  man 
rather  than  give  up  the  city.  The  Cid  prudently 
reflected  that  it  would  be  better  after  waiting  a  few 
days  to  receive  the  city  in  good  order,  than  to  weary 
his  soldiers  and  waste  his  missiles  in  battering  the 
fortifications  that  would  shortly  shelter  his  own  men. 
He  knew  that  no  help  would  come,  and  with  affected 
generosity  he   granted  an  armistice  of  thirty  days. 

*  This  allusion  by  Saracens  to  historical  events  which  took  place 
centuries  previous  to  their  invasion  is  curious  if  authentic. 


33^  The  Cid.  no96- 

The  citizens  of  Murviedro  left  no  means  untried 
to  save  themselves  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
Cid.  They  sent  ambassadors  praying  for  help  to  all 
his  enemies.  These  were  the  leaders  of  the  Almora- 
vides,  King  Alfonso  of  Castille  and  Leon,  King  Al- 
mustain  of  Saragossa,  Ibn-Razin  the  suzerain  of  the 
city,  and  the  Count  of  Barcelona.  They  threatened 
that  if  within  thirty  days  the  siege  were  not  raised, 
they  would  not  only  surrender  Murviedro  to  the 
great  freebooter,  but  would  serve  him  in  future  in 
his  wars  as  faithful  vassals.  Their  prayers  and  their 
threats  were  alike  disregarded  ;  those  to  whom  they 
wrote  were  prevented  by  fear  or  by  more  pressing 
concerns  from  interfering  with  the  Cid's  con- 
quests. King  Alfonso  replied :  "  Certes  you  may 
be  assured  that  I  will  not  succour  you,  for  I 
would  liefer  that  Rodrigo  should  have  your  town 
than  any  of  the  Kings  of  the  Saracens."  The 
King  of  Saragossa  gave  them  but  cold  comfort. 
"  Go,"  he  said  to  the  messengers,  ''  and  take  such 
courage  as  ye  may,  and  fight  bravely,  for  Rodrigo  is 
invincible  and  therefore  I  am  afraid  to  do  battle 
with  him."  The  reason  of  this  answer  was  that  the 
Cid,  forseeing  that  Al-mustain  would  be  called  in, 
had  uttered  dire  threats  of  vengeance  against  him  if 
he  should  venture  to  attempt  to  wrest  his  prey  from 
him.  Ibn-Razin  frankly  admitted  that  he  could  do 
nothing.  The  Almoravide  generals  replied  that  they 
dared  not  come  against  the  Cid  unless  led  by  their 
valiant  and  skilful  old  King,  Yusuf,  the  only  general 
they  would  match  against  the  Campeador.  The 
embassy  to  Barcelona  carried  with  it  a  bribe  so  great 


1099]  Last  Battles  a7id  Death.  337 

that  it  was  sure  of  a  good  reception.  The  Count 
could  not  find  courage  to  attack  the  Cid,  but  he 
offered  to  create  a  diversion  by  laying  siege  to 
Oropesa  which  formed  part  of  his  dominions.  His 
plan  was  to  draw  off  the  Cid  in  pursuit,  to  avoid 
a  pitched  battle  by  marching  and  counter-marching, 
and  thus  to  give  time  for  Murviedro  to  receive  a 
really  efficient  garrison  and  an  adequate  supply  of 
provisions.  The  scheme  was  an  utter  failure ;  the 
Cid  saw  the  trap  and  refused  to  be  taken  in  it. 
After  a  useless  military  display  within  the  Cid's 
dominions,  the  Count  fled  precipitately  to  his  own 
country  on  hearing  a  false  report  that  the  Cid  was 
really  marching  against  him. 

Thus  the  thirty  days  of  the  armistice  passed,  but 
the  defenders  of  Murviedro  still  unwisely  refused  to 
fulfil  the  conditions  on  which  it  had  been  granted. 
They  wrote  to  the  Cid,  saying, ''  Sir,  the  messengers 
whom  we  sent  have  not  returned  to  us,  wherefore 
with  one  accord  we  beg  again  of  your  generosity 
that  you  grant  us  some  further  extension  of  the 
armistice."  The  Cid  was  aware  that  this  message 
was  false  in  fact,  and  that  it  was  only  sent  in  order 
to  gain  time.  The  breach  of  the  former  agreement 
put  the  place  at  his  mercy,  to  do  with  it  as  he  willed. 
Now  that  the  Count  of  Barcelona  had  fled  he  feared 
no  attack  from  any  other  quarter,  so  he  replied  as 
follows  :  ''  In  order  that  all  men  may  know  that  I 
fear  none  of  your  kings,  1  grant  you  a  further  truce 
of  twelve  days,  so  that  they  may  have  no  excuse  for 
failing  to  come  to  your  aid.  But  when  the  twelve 
days  are   passed,  I  declare   solemnly  to   you  that,  if 


338  The  Cid.  no96- 

you  do  not  straightway  deliver  up  the  castle,  I  will 
burn  alive  or  torture  and  slay  any  of  you  whom  I 
may  be  able  to  capture."  Trusting  to  the  efficacy 
of  his  threat,  he  remained  quietly  in  his  camp  the 
stipulated  time,  but  when  it  had  elapsed,  the  be- 
seiged,  who  had  already  forfeited  all  hopes  of  mercy, 
provoked  him  still  further  by  begging  him  to  wait 
till  Pentecost,  which  was  now  near  at  hand.  The 
Cid's  answer  was  inspired  by  one  of  those  outbursts 
of  generosity,  an  instance  of  which  we  have  already 
seen  in  the  liberation  of  the  Count  of  Barcelona,  "  I 
will  not  enter  your  castle  on  the  day  of  Pentecost," 
he  said,  ''  but  I  grant  you  a  further  truce  until  the 
feast  of  St.  John.  In  the  meantime  take  your  wives 
and  sons  and  daughters  and  go  in  peace  with  your 
possessions  whithersoever  you  will.  Thus  quit 
the  fortress  and  abandon  it  to  me,  and  I,  if  it  be 
God's  will,  will  enter  the  castle  on  the  nativity  of 
St.  John  the  Baptist."  Needless  to  say  that  this 
unhoped  for  clemency  was  received  with  unbounded 
thankfulness  by  those  to  whom  it  was  shewn. 

On  the  morning  of  St.  John's  day  (June  24th,  1098) 
the  Cid  sent  forward  some  of  his  trusty  men  to  take 
possession  of  his  conquest,  and  when  he  saw  that  the 
town  and  castle  had  been  duly  surrendered  to  them 
he  made  his  solemn  entry.  Mass  was  sung  and  a 
church  was  planned  out  for  dedication  to  the  saint 
on  whose  day  the  event  took  place.  The  defences 
of  the  place  were  put  into  good  order  and  entrusted 
to  good  hands.  After  this  the  soldiers  set  to  work 
to  seek  for  buried  treasure.  Their  efforts  were  re- 
warded by  the  discovery  of  the  hoards  of  those  who 


1099]  Last  Battles  and  Death,  339 

had  not  taken  advantage  of  the  Cid's  permission  to 
quit  the  city.  On  these  unhappy  men  fell  the  whole 
weight  of  his  wrath.  His  message  had  lulled  them 
into  fancied  security.  This  was  rudely  dispelled 
when,  three  days  after  the  surrender,  he  summoned 
them  before  him  and  ordered  them  to  give  up  to 
him  all  the  wealth  that  they  had  caused  to  be  car- 
ried out  of  the  city  by  their  comrades,  and  all  that 
they  had  sent  to  purchase  the  help  of  the  Almora- 
vides  ''to  the  hurt  and  dishonour  "  of  their  con- 
queror. They  were,  of  course,  unable  to  comply 
with  these  orders  and,  under  the  plea  of  disobedi- 
ence, they  were  stripped  of  all  they  possessed, 
bound  in  chains,  and  sent  to  Valencia,  there  in  all 
probability  to  be  sold  into  slavery. 

His  conduct  on  this  occasion  has  been  judged 
greatly  to  the  Cid's  disadvantage,  the  more  so  be- 
cause the  story  in  the  above  form  is  told  by  the  au- 
thor of  the  Latin  Gesta^  who  was  an  admirer  of  the 
Cid.  "  Such,"  we  are  told,  "  was  the  Cid's  notion 
of  generosity.  Fearing  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Murviedro  would  make  a  desperate  struggle  if  he 
attempted  to  force  them  to  submit  unconditionally, 
he  had  given  them  permission  to  quit  the  town  and 
carry  away  their  goods.  But  now  that  he  had  the 
upper  hand,  now  that  he  had  nothing  further  to  fear, 
he  wished  to  obhge  those  who  had  been  unable  to 
tear  themselves  away  from  their  birthplace  to  pay 
him  an  enormous  sum."  We  cannot  help  thinking 
that  the  Cid's  action,  in  this  particular,  is  capable  of 
bearing  the  more  favourable  construction  we  have 
put  upon  it.     If  this  is  not  accepted,  some  allowance 


340  The  Cid,  [1096- 

at  any  rate  must  be  made  for  the  exigencies  of  the 
Cid's  position  as  the  leader  of  a  small  body  of  troops 
in  the  midst  of  a  numerous  and  hostile  population. 
To  drive  out  the  inhabitants  was  the  only  means  by 
which  possession  of  Murviedro  could  be  secured. 
The  possession  of  Murviedro  was  a  matter  of  life 
and  death  to  the  Cid. 

When  he  returned  to  Valencia  the  Cid's  health 
began  to  fail  rapidly.  He  had  less  than  a  year  to 
live,  and  this  he  employed  chiefly  in  pious  works. 
The  principal  mosque  of  Valencia  was  consecrated 
as  a  church,  and  all  the  necessary  furniture  was  pro- 
vided on  a  lavish  scale,  the  Cid  contributing  a  chalice 
and  two  silk,  gold-embroidered  hangings,  the  like 
of  which  had  never  been  seen  in  Valencia.  A  choir 
of  sweet  voices  was  trained,  and  solemn  Te  Deums 
were  sung  for  the  Cid's  many  victories.  Some  of 
these,  we  must  remember,  had  been  gained  for  the 
Infidel  against  the  Christian,  and  by  following  the 
suggestion  of  forbidden  auguries,  but  they  were  now 
attributed  to  a  higher  power. 

The  Cid  was  no  longer  able  to  lead  forth  his  men 
to  battle,  and  victory,  which  had  always  accompanied 
his  person,  deserted  his  captains.  Still  dreaming  of 
extending  his  conquests — though  he  can  scarcely 
have  hoped  to  enjoy  them  and  had  no  son  to 
whom  to  leave  them — the  Cid  sent  an  expedition 
against  Jativa,  the  nearest  stronghold  of  the  Almora- 
vides.  He  little  thought  how  rapidly  the  fabric  of 
his  power,  so  laboriously  built  up  by  the  work  of  a 
lifetime,  would  crumble  away  at  his  death.  The 
power  of  the  Almoravides  had  been  rapidly  increas- 


i  ^ 

\LENC1A 

Ls  district  at 
time  of  the 

MORAVIDES; 


d.  HYATT.  Sc. 


'.A 
/ 


i- 


% 


VALENCIA 

and  iLs  district  at 

111 e  time  of  the 

ALMOK-WIDES. 


1099]  Last  Battles  a7id  Death.  341 

ing.  They  had  lately  gained  a  great  victory  near 
Cuenca,  over  Alvar  Fanez,  Alfonso's  best  general. 
Emboldened  by  this  success  over  one  of  the  most 
skilful  captains  of  the  age,  the  Almoravides  under 
Ibn-Ayisha  attacked  the  Cid's  men  near  Alcira,  and 
routed  them  so  completely  that  but  few  returned  to 
Valencia  to  tell  the  tale.  This  sudden  change  of 
fortune,  says  an  Arabic  chronicler,  produced  so  deep 
an  impression  on  the  Cid  that  "  when  the  runaways 
reached  him  he  died  of  rage."  (July,  1099). 

The  rest  is  told  in  a  few  words.  The  news  of  the 
Cid's  death  brought  the  victorious  Almoravides  up 
against  Valencia.  For  a  time  they  were  held  in  check 
by  the  heroism  of  his  widow  Jimena,  supported  by 
the  brave  men  who  had  been  trained  under  his  eye. 
But  in  the  autumn  of  the  second  year  after  the 
Cid's  death,  Valencia  was  beleaguered  by  a  powerful 
army  under  the  command  of  the  Almoravide  Maz- 
dali.  For  seven  months  the  siege  lasted,  till  Jimena 
"  could  find  no  remedy  of  consolation  for  her  woe." 
She  sent  to  Don  Alfonso  to  pray  for  help.  The 
King  was  touched  by  the  message  ;  old  jealousies 
were  extinguished  by  the  Cid's  death ;  he  felt  that 
he  could  not  let  Valencia,  together  with  his  kins- 
woman Jimena  and  so  many  good  soldiers,  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  enemy  without  an  effort  to  save 
them.  In  spite  of  his  years  he  marched  southward 
with  his  army  and  raised  the  siege.  Seeing  however 
that  it  was  impossible  to  hold  Valencia,  on  account 
of  its  distance  from  his  sorely  harassed  frontiers,  he 
burned  and  utterly  destroyed  it  before  withdrawing. 

A  dirge  over  the  city  and  a  prophecy  of  its  restora- 


1099]  Last  Battles  and  Death,  341 

ing.  They  had  lately  gained  a  great  victory  near 
Cuenca,  over  Alvar  Fanez,  Alfonso's  best  general. 
Emboldened  by  this  success  over  one  of  the  most 
skilful  captains  of  the  age,  the  Almoravides  under 
Ibn-Ayisha  attacked  the  Cid's  men  near  Alcira,  and 
routed  them  so  completely  that  but  few  returned  to 
Valencia  to  tell  the  tale.  This  sudden  change  of 
fortune,  says  an  Arabic  chronicler,  produced  so  deep 
an  impression  on  the  Cid  that  "  when  the  runaways 
reached  him  he  died  of  rage."  (July,  1099). 

The  rest  is  told  in  a  few  words.  The  news  of  the 
Cid's  death  brought  the  victorious  Almoravides  up 
against  Valencia.  For  a  time  they  were  held  in  check 
by  the  heroism  of  his  widow  Jimena,  supported  by 
the  brave  men  who  had  been  trained  under  his  eye. 
But  in  the  autumn  of  the  second  year  after  the 
Cid's  death,  Valencia  was  beleaguered  by  a  powerful 
army  under  the  command  of  the  Almoravide  Maz- 
dali.  For  seven  months  the  siege  lasted,  till  Jimena 
'*  could  find  no  remedy  of  consolation  for  her  woe." 
She  sent  to  Don  Alfonso  to  pray  for  help.  The 
King  was  touched  by  the  message  ;  old  jealousies 
were  extinguished  by  the  Cid's  death  ;  he  felt  that 
he  could  not  let  Valencia,  together  with  his  kins- 
woman Jimena  and  so  many  good  soldiers,  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  enemy  without  an  effort  to  save 
them.  In  spite  of  his  years  he  marched  southward 
with  his  army  and  raised  the  siege.  Seeing  however 
that  it  was  impossible  to  hold  Valencia,  on  account 
of  its  distance  from  his  sorely  harassed  frontiers,  he 
burned  and  utterly  destroyed  if  before  withdrawing. 

A  dirge  over  the  city  and  a  prophecy  of  its  restora- 


342  The  Cid.  [1096- 

tion  is  contained  in  a  letter  written  at  this  time  by 
Ibn-Tahir  to  a  friend  :  ''  The  enemy  has  burned  the 
greater  part  (of  Valencia)  with  fire  and  has  left  her 
a  wonder  to  those  who  consider  her,  a  marvel  for 
tears  and  gloomy  reverie.  She  stands,  as  he  left 
her,  in  mourning  garb,  and  the  beam  of  her  eye 
when  she  gazes  is  veiled ;  sighs  rise  from  her  heart 
as  she  writhes  mid  the  glowing  embers.  But  still 
she  has  her  lovely  body,  her  pregnant  soil  like 
scented  musk  and  red  gold,  her  shady  gardens  and 
her  river  of  sweet  water.  Thanks  to  the  good  for- 
tune of  the  Commander  of  the  Faithful  and  his 
fostering  care,  her  darkness  shall  be  dispelled,  and 
her  jewels  and  collars  of  pearls  shall  be  given  back 
to  her.  In  the  evening  she  shall  go  abroad  in 
her  splendid  array  like  the  sun  in  the  sign  of  the 
Ram." 

King  Alfonso  returned  to  Toledo  bringing  in  his 
company  the  whole  Christian  population  of  Valencia, 
the  Cid's  widow  and  the  Cid's  body.  Northward 
again  the  melancholy  procession  wended  its  way  till 
it  came  to  San  Pedro  de  Cardena  where  the  toil- 
worn  body  of  the  soldier  was  laid  to  rest  hard  by 
his  native  place  and  the  scene  of  his  earliest  exploits. 

Very  different  is  the  account  traditionally  handed 
down  and  preserved  in  the  chronicles  of  the  death  and 
burial  of  the  Cid.  The  simple  folk  of  the  ages  that 
followed  refused  to  believe  that  so  splendid  a  career 
could  end  in  defeat  and  disappointment.  The  funeral 
train  wending  its  way  among  the  mountains  power- 
fully impressed  their  imagination,  and  they  piously 
ascribed  to  their   hero   victory   after   death.     This 


SAN   PEDRO   DE  CARDENA. 


1099]  Last  Battles  and  Death.  343 

stately  and  beautiful  legend,  the  subject  of  so  many 
ballads,  is  nowhere  so  well  told  as  in  the  chronicles: 

^'  One  day  as  the  Cid  lay  upon  his  bed  after  night- 
fall he  began  to  consider  in  his  heart  how  he  should 
contrive  against  the  great  force  that  King  Bucar  was 
bringing  up  against  him.  And  as  he  thought  on 
this,  when  midnight  came,  behold  there  entered  the 
palace  a  great  light  and  a  perfume  so  sweet  that  it 
was  a  marvel.  While  he  wondered  what  it  might 
be,  there  appeared  to  him  a  man  as  white  as  snow, 
very  old,  with  white,  curling  hair,  and  bearing  keys 
in  his  hands.  Before  the  Cid  could  address  him,  he 
said,  '  Art  thou  sleeping,  Rodrigo,  or  what  doest 
thou?'  And  the  Cid  questioned  him,  'What  man 
art  thou  who  inquirest  of  me?'  And  he  said  '  I 
am  St.  Peter,  prince  of  the  apostles  and  am  come 
to  thee  with  an  urgent  message,  and  it  concerns  not, 
as  thou  thinkest,  King  Bucar.  It  is  that  thou  must 
quit  this  world  and  go  to  the  life  that  has  no  end  ; 
and  this  shall  be  thirty  days  from  to-day.  But  God 
wills  to  do  thee  favour  that  thy  people  conquer  and 
rout  King  Bucar,  and  after  thy  death  thou  shalt  win 
this  battle  for  the  honour  of  thy  body,  and  this 
shall  be  by  the  help  of  the  Apostle  Santiago  whom 
God  will  send  to  the  affray  ;  and  do  thou  strive  to 
make  amends  to  God  for  thy  sins,  for  thus  thou  shalt 
be  safe.  All  this  does  Jesus  Christ  grant  thee  for 
love  of  me  and  for  the  honour  that  thou  didst  ever 
pay  me  in  my  church  at  the  monastery  of  San  Pedro 
de  Cardena.'  " 

And  the  Cid  was  comforted  more  than  can  be 
told.     And  the  next  day  at  dawn  he  let  summon  all 


344  ^^^^  Cid.  [1096- 

his  chief  men  to  the  alcazar^  and  when  they  were 
all  come  before  him,  he  wept  and  spoke  thus,  "  My 
friends  and  kinsmen  and  loyal  and  trusty  vassals. 
.  .  .  I  would  that  you  should  know  the  state  of 
my  body  ;  for  be  sure  that  I  am  come  upon  the  end 
of  my  life,  and  thirty  days  hence  shall  be  my  end 
and  my  last  will.  During  the  last  seven  nights  I 
have  seen  visions  ;  I  see  my  father,  Diego  Laynez 
and  Diego  Rodriguez,  my  son,  and  each  time  they 
say  to  me  '  Long  hast  thou  tarried  here  ;  let  us  be 
gone  to  the  eternal  life.'  .  .  .  There  appeared  to 
me  this  night  the  Apostle  St.  Peter  ;  I  was  awake 
and  not  asleep,  and  he  told  me  that  when  thirty 
days  were  fulfilled  I  must  pass  away  from  the  world. 
But  be  assured  that  by  God's  favour  I  will  instruct 
you  how  you  shall  conquer  King  Bucar  in  the  field 
and  how  you  shall  gain  great  fame  and  honour,  for 
of  all  this  did  St.  Peter  certify  me.  And  how  ye 
shall  do  henceforth  I  will  tell  you  before  I  leave 
you  " 

After  these  words  had  been  spoken  the  Cid  fell  ill 
of  the  sickness  of  which  he  died  ;  he  ordered  the 
gates  of  the  city  to  be  closed  and  he  betook  himself 
to  the  church  of  San  Pedro,  where  was  the  Bishop, 
Don  Hieronymo,  the  knights  and  honourable  men, 
and  of  the  other  people  all  who  wished  to  C(^me 
thither.  And  he  stood  upright  and  began  to  speak 
as  follows  :  "  Well  do  all  know,  as  many  of  you  as 
are  here,  that  of  all  the  men  of  this  world,  however 
honourable  and  powerful  they  be,  not  one  can  es- 
cape death.  To  it  I  am  now  very  nigh,  and — since 
ye  know  well  how  in  this  world  my  body  was  never 


1099J  Last  Battles  and  Death.  345 

conquered  nor  put  to  shame — I  beg  you  all  not  to 
allow  that  it  should  thus  suffer  at  the  end  ;  for  all  a 
man's  good  fortune  lies  in  his  latter  end.  Therefore, 
as  to  the  manner  in  which  this  shall  come  to  pass 
and  be  fulfilled,  and  what  ye  have  to  do,  I  leave  it 
all  in  the  hand  of  Don  Hieronymo." 

And  there,  in  presence  of  them  all,  he  made 
general  confession  to  Don  Hieronymo  of  all  his 
faults  and  of  all  the  sins  into  which  he  had  fallen 
and  which  he  had  committed  before  God.  And  the 
bishop  assigned  him  his  penance  and  absolved  him 
of  his  sins.  And  straightway  he  arose  and  bade 
them  all  farewell,  weeping  sore.  And  he  got  him 
to  the  alcazar  and  cast  himself  on  his  bed  and  never 
again  did  he  rise  up.  And  each  day  he  grew  weaker 
until  only  seven  days  of  the  term  was  left.  Then 
he  bade  them  bring  him  the  caskets  of  gold  in 
which  was  the  balsam  and  myrrh  which  the  great 
Sultan  of  Persia  had  sent  to  him.  And  when  they 
stood  before  him,  he  bade  bring  a  golden  cup, 
in  which  he  was  wont  to  drink,  and  he  took  of  the 
balsam  and  myrrh,  about  a  small  spoonful,  and  mixed 
it  in  the  cup  with  rosewater  and  drank  it. 
And  during  all  those  seven  days  he  neither  ate  nor 
drank  anything,  save  myrrh  and  balsam  and  rosewa- 
ter. And  each  day  after  he  had  thus  done  his  body 
and  his  face  became  more  fresh-looking  than  before, 
and  his  voice  stronger,  save  only  that  he  was  weaker 
each  day  and  could  not  stir  himself  in  the  bed. 

And  the  day  but  one  before  his  death  he  bade  call 
Dona  Jimena  Gomez,  and  the  Bishop,  Don  Hier- 
onymo, and   Don  Alvar  Fanez   Minaya,   and   Pero 


34^  ^^^^^  Cid,  [1096- 

Bermudez  and  Gil  Diaz,  his  trusty  men.  And  when 
all  the  five  stood  before  him  he  began  to  admonish 
them  how  they  should  act  after  his  death,  and  said, 
*' Ye  know  that  King  Bucarwill  come  hither  shortly 
to  besiege  this  city  with  thirty-six  kings,  whom  he 
is  bringing  in  his  company  and  with  a  great  host  of 
Moors.  Wherefore  the  first  thing  that  ye  must  do 
so  soon  as  I  be  dead  is  that  ye  wash  well  my  body 
with  rosewater  and  with  balsam  many  times  ;  for, 
praised  be  the  name  of  God,  it  is  clean  washed  within 
from  all  foulness  to  receive  His  Holy  Body  to-morrow 
which  will  be  my  last  day.  When  my  body  is 
washed,  anoint  it  with  this  balsam  and  this  myrrh, 
all  that  remains  in  the  caskets,  so  that  no  part  be 
left  unanointed.  And  thou,  my  sister,  Jimena  Go- 
mez, and  thy  companions,  take  heed  that  ye  cry  not 
aloud  nor  wail  for  me  so  that  the  Moors  get  know- 
ledge of  my  death.  And  when  the  day  of  the  arri- 
val of  King  Bucar  is  come,  bid  all  the  folk  of  Valencia 
come  forth  on  the  walls  and  sound  trumpets  and 
drums  and  shew  the  greatest  glee  they  may.  And 
when  ye  would  go  to  Castille,  let  all  the  people  have 
secret  warning  that  they  may  get  ready  to  take  with 
them  all  their  property  in  such  sort  that  the  Moors 
know  it  not  ;  for  ye  may  not  remain  in  this  city 
after  my  death,  for  round  about  it  lies  the  ^chief 
power  of  the  Moors  of  Spain.  And  to  Gil  Diaz  do 
I  chiefly  give  this  command,  that  thou  bid  saddle 
my  horse  Babieca  and  arm  him  well.  And  thou 
shalt  prepare  my  body  and  deck  it  with  care,  and 
place  me  on  my  horse  and  arrange  me  and  bind  me 
in  such  a  manner  that  I  fall  not  from  him,  and  ye 


1099]  Last  Battles  and  Death.  347 

shall  place  in  my  hand  my  sword  Tizona  ;  and  let 
the  Bishop,  Don  Hieronymo,  be  by  my  side,  and  do 
thou,  Gil  Diaz,  lead  my  horse,  and  thou,  Pero  Ber- 
mudez,  bear  my  banner  as  thou  wast  wont  to  bear 
it.  And  thou,  Don  Alvar  Faiiez,  my  cousin,  shalt 
assemble  the  companies  and  shalt  draw  up  thy  hosts 
as  thou  wast  wont  to  do.  Then  go  ye  forth  and  do 
battle  with  King  Bucar.  For  be  assured  and  doubt 
not  that  ye  shall  win  this  battle  and  God  has  granted 
it  unto  me.     ..." 

And  it  was  the  sixth  hour  and  the  Cid  besought 
the  Bishop  to  give  him  the  Body  of  God,  and  he  re- 
ceived it  very  devoutly  on  his  knees,  weeping,  in 
the  presence  of  them  all ;  and  straightway  he  made 
his  prayer  saying,  ^'  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  to  Thee  be- 
long power  and  authority  and  knowledge,  Thine  are 
the  kingdoms  and  Thou  art  above  all  Kings  and  above 
all  people,  for  all  things  obey  Thy  commands,  there- 
fore I  pray  Thee  of  Thy  grace  that  Thou  wilt  par- 
don my  sins  and  that  my  soul  be  placed  in  the  light 
that  has  no  end."  And  when  the  noble  hero  had 
thus  spoken  he  gave  to  God  his  soul  clean  and  with- 
out spot  of  sin.     .     .     . 

After  he  was  dead  they  washed  his  body  twice  in 
warm  water,  and  the  third  time  they  washed  it  with 
rosewater,  and  thus  they  cleansed  it  thoroughly,  and 
the  Bishop,  Don  Hieronymo,  embalmed  it  and 
anointed  it  as  he  had  bidden.  Afterwards  there  as- 
sembled all  the  honourable  men  and  the  clergy  who 
were  within  Valencia,  and  they  bore  it  to  the  church 
of  St.  Mary  of  the  Virtues,  which  is  near  to  the  alca- 
zar, and  they  chanted  their  vigils  and  their  masses. 


348  The  Cid.  [1096- 

as  befitted  so  honourable  a  man.  .  .  .  Three 
days  after  the  death  of  the  Cid,  King  Bucar  came  to 
the  port  of  Valencia,  and  landed  with  all  the  forces 
in  his  company ;  they  were  so  great  that  no  man  in 
the  world  could  give  account  of  the  Moors  who 
came  thither.  .  .  .  On  the  next  day  they  began 
to  assault  the  city,  and  they  assaulted  it  for  three 
days  right  stubbornly.  And  the  Moors  received 
much  hurt,  for  they  rushed  up  blindly  to  the  walls 
of  the  city  and  there  were  slain.  Right  well  did  the 
Christians  of  the  city  defend  themselves,  and  they 
sounded  trumpets  and  drums  as  the  Cid  had  com- 
manded. This  went  on  full  eight  days  or  nine, 
until  the  companions  of  the  Cid  had  made  all 
ready  for  their  departure  as  the  Cid  had  commanded. 
Now  King  Bucar  and  his  folk  supposed  that  the  Cid 
dared  not  come  forth  against  them  and  were  much 
emboldened  and  prepared  to  make  bastides  and  cat- 
apults and  engines  for  the  assault,  for  they  believed 
of  a  surety  that  the  Cid  dared  not  come  out  against 
them  since  such  tarrying  was  made.     .     . 

During  these  nine  days  Gil  Diaz  wrought  at  no 
other  matter  save  to  fulfil  what  the  Cid  had  bidden. 
And  the  body  of  the  Cid  was  prepared  thus :  Ye 
have  heard  already  how  it  was  embalmed,  and  for 
this  reason  it  remained  stiff  and  flesh-col ourecj,  and 
the  eyes  equally  opened  and  his  long  beard  very 
comely.  And  any  man  in  the  world  who  had  not 
known  the  truth  and  had  seen  him  would  have  de- 
clared he  was  alive.  And  they  placed  the  body  on 
a  right  good  saddle  which  his  horse  Babieca  had 
often   borne,  and   placed   the  saddle    on   a  wooden 


1099]  Last  Battles  and  Death.  349 

horse  together  with  the  body,  and  next  the  skin  a 
vest  of  white  samite.  And  they  made  two  hollowed 
planks,  one  for  the  breast  and  the  other  for  the 
back,  so  that  the  whole  body  was  within  them  and 
they  met  at  the  sides.  The  one  at  the  back  came 
up  to  the  back  of  the  head,  and  the  one  at  the  front 
to  the  neck,  and  they  were  mortised  into  the  saddle 
so  that  the  body  could  not  fall  to  one  side  or  the 
other. 

On  the  morning  of  the  twelfth  day  all  the  com- 
panies of  the  Cid  Ruydiez  armed  themselves,  and 
they  bade  load  the  beasts  of  burden  with  all  their 
goods  and  the  best  that  they  could  find.  When  it  was 
midnight  they  placed  the  Cid  upon  his  horse  Babieca 
just  as  he  was,  fastened  to  the  saddle,  and  they 
bound  him  well  with  good  cords  till  the  whole  body 
was  so  upright  and  even  that  it  seemed  that  he  was 
alive.  He  had  on  his  legs  painted  breeches  which 
looked  like  cuisses :  and  they  clothed  him  with  a 
coat  of  arms  with  his  device  and  a  head-piece  of 
painted  parchment  and  a  shield  of  the  same  make, 
and  they  placed  in  his  hand  his  sword  Tizona ;  he 
had  his  arms  raised  aloft  and  tied  up  so  cunningly 
that  it  was  a  marvel  how  he  held  the  sword  so 
straight  and  so  even.  On  one  side  rode  the  Bishop 
Don  Hieronymo,  and  on  the  other  Gil  Diaz  who  led 
him  as  he  had  bidden  him.  When  all  was  ready,  at 
midnight  they  sallied  forth  from  Valencia  by  the 
gate  of  Troteros  which  looks  toward  Castille.  First 
went  forth  Pero  Bermudez  with  the  banner  of  the 
Cid,  and  with  him  four  hundred  knights  who  guarded 
him  right  well  armed  ;  behind  them  the  beasts  of 


350  The  Cid,  [1096- 

burden  with  all  the  train  ;  and  behind  them  again 
five  hundred  knights  likewise  well  armed.  And  at 
the  rear  Dona  Jimena  Gomez  with  all  her  company. 
Following  her  came  five  hundred  knights  who 
guarded  her,  and  last  of  all  the  body  of  the  Cid,  and 
with  him  a  hundred  chosen  knights.  And  they 
passed  out  so  silently  that  it  seemed  that  not  a 
hundred  knights  went  there.    .     .     . 

After  it  was  daylight  Don  Alvar  Faiiez  Minaya 
drew  up  his  troops  very  orderly  and  fell  upon  the 
sleeping  camp  of  King  Bucar.  ...  So  unexpected 
was  the  attack  that  they  slew  full  a  hundred  and 
fifty  Moors  before  they  could  arm  or  mount,  and 
turning  their  backs  they  began  to  flee  toward  the 
sea.  And  when  King  Bucar  and  the  other  kings 
perceived  this,  they  began  to  marvel,  and  it  seemed 
to  them  that  there  came  from  the  side  of  the  Christ- 
ians full  seventy  thousand  knights,  all  white  as 
snow.  And  ahead  of  all  rode  a  very  tall  knight  on 
a  white  horse,  and  he  held  in  his  left  hand  a  white 
banner  and  in  the  other  a  sword  which  seemed  of 
fire,  and  he  made  great  slaughter  of  the  Moors  as 
they  fled.  So  afraid  was  King  Bucar  and  his  men 
that  they  drew  not  rein  till  they  reached  the  sea,  and 
the  company  of  the  Cid  hewed  and  slew  them  and 
gave  them  no  rest.  When  they  came  to  the>sea  so 
great  was  their  haste  to  take  refuge  in  their  ships 
that  there  died  there  more  than  twenty  thousand 
people  by  drowning.  And  twenty-two  kings  of  the 
thirty-six  were  slain  there.  And  King  Bucar  and 
those  who  escaped  hoisted  the  sails  and  went  their 
way  and  never  once  did  they  look  behind. 


1099]  Last  Battles  and  Death.  35 1 


Don  Alvar  Fanez  and  the  other  folk,  after  the 
Moors  were  routed,  plundered  the  camp,  and  so 
great  were  the  riches  they  found  therein  that  they 
could  not  carry  them  away.  They  loaded  camels 
and  horses  with  all  the  most  precious  things  that 
they  found  there,  and  they  went  back  to  the  place 
where  the  Cid  was  and  Dona  Jimena  and  the  Bishop 
Don  Hieronymo,  who  rode  more  slowly.  .  .  . 
After  all  had  returned  and  had  taken  from  the 
camp  all  they  would,  they  set  forth  for  Castille,  and 
they  lodged  at  a  village  which  is  called  Sieteaguas, 
all  very  rich  and  in  goodly  guise  ;  and  travelling 
along  day  by  day  they  came  to  Castille.     .     .     . 

The  Moors  of  Alcudia  and  those  of  the  suburbs 
believed  of  a  surety  that  the  Cid  came  forth  alive 
when  they  saw  him  on  his  horse  sword  in  hand  ; 
but  when  they  saw  him  go  toward  Castille  and  that 
none  returned,  they  were  amazed.  And  thus  they 
remained  all  that  day  not  daring  to  go  to  the  tents 
which  King  Bucar's  men  had  left,  nor  to  enter  into 
the  city  ;  for  they  thought  it  was  some  trick  of  the 
Cid.  And  all  that  night  they  continued  in  this  be- 
lief and  dared  not  quit  the  suburbs.  When  the 
next  day  came,  they  looked  towards  the  city,  but 
they  heard  no  noise,  and  Abenalfange  "^  mounted  his 
horse  and  one  other  with  him  and  rode  towards  the 
city  and  found  all  the  gates  closed  until  he  came  to 
the  gate  through  which  the  companies  of  the  Cid 
had  passed  out :  then  he  entered  the  city  and  trav- 
ersed the  greater  part  of  it  and  he  found  no  man 
therein  and  was  amazed.     Then  he  caixie  forth  from 


*  The  pretended  Arabic  author  of  part  of  the  Chj-onicle  of  the  Cid. 


352  The  Cid.  [1096- 

the  city  and  went  crying  aloud  to  the  Moors  of  the 
suburbs  and  saying  that  all  the  city  was  empty  of 
Christians.  And  they  wondered  even  more  than  be- 
fore. But  with  all  this  they  did  not  dare  to  come 
out  to  the  tents  nor  to  enter  the  city,  but  remained 
quiet  until  mid-day.  And  when  they  saw  that  none 
came  to  the  succour  from  anywhither,  Abenalfange 
returned  again  to  the  city,  and  there  went  with  him 
a  great  company  of  the  principal  Moors  that  were 
among  them,  and  they  entered  the  city  and  the 
alcazar  and  spied  out  ail  the  halls  and  chambers  but 
found  no  man  nor  living  thing,  and  they  found 
written  on  a  wall  in  Arabic,  in  the  handwriting  of 
Gil  Diaz,  that  the  Cid  Ruydiez  was  dead  and  that 
they  had  carried  him  away  thus  in  order  to  conquer 
King  Bucar  and  that  none  might  hinder  his  going." 
Thus,  according  to  the  Chronicle,  Jimena  and  the 
bishop  went  northward  escorting  the  Cid'sbody,  like 
the  lady  and  squire  in  the  books  of  chivalry  which 
took  their  origin  from  such  fables.  Each  night  the 
body,  which  now  that  it  was  safely  beyond  the  Moor- 
ish region,  was  stripped  of  its  paste-board  arms,  was 
taken  from  Babieca's  back  and  placed  on  the  wooden 
horse  that  Gil  Diaz  had  made.  Notice  was  sent  to 
all  neighbouring  princes  and  friends  of  the  Cid  that 
he  was  dead,  and  that  they  should  come  to  bury  him 
at  San  Pedro.  Even  so  Jimena  will  not  allow  nim  to 
be  placed  in  a  coffin,  for,  owing  to  the  wondrous 
draughts  of  myrrh  and  balsam,  his  eyes  retained  all 
their  beauty.  Dona  Sol  and  her  husband  heard  the 
woful  tidings  and  rode  forth  with  a  hundred  knights 
clad  in  black  cloaks,  with  torn  hoods  and  shields  re- 


1099]  Last  Battles  and  Death.  353 

versed  at  the  saddle-bow.  But  when  they  saw  the 
Cid  himself  riding  amidst  his  men  and  heard  neither 
wailing  nor  loud  demonstration  of  grief,  they  thought 
they  had  been  deceived  and  hastily  cast  off  all  signs 
of  mourning.  The  truth  was  the  harder  to  bear  for 
the  momentary  hope,  and  Doiia  Sol  cast  of^  her  head- 
dress and  began  to  tear  her  hair.  She  was  quieted 
by  her  mother,  who  told  her  that  she  had  unwit- 
tingly disobeyed  the  Cid's  prohibition  of  all  exces- 
sive mourning.  As  they  drew  near  Castille  they  were 
met  by  Dona  Elvira,  the  Cid's  other  daughter,  ac- 
companied by  her  husband  and  by  two  hundred 
knights.  These  have  heard  of  the  Cid's  command 
and  ride  with  shields  aright  and  gay  mantles. 

Thus  they  came  to  Cardena  in  ever-increasing  pro- 
cession, for  all  the  people  of  Rioja  and  Old  Castille 
would  attend  the  funeral  of  their  famous  country- 
man. It  was  reported  that  King  Alfonso  himself  was 
coming,  and  to  do  him  honour  the  Cid's  body  was 
borne  to  meet  him  a  full  league  outside  the  city. 
The  King's  wonder  at  the  Cid's  appearance  disap- 
pears when  he  is  told  of  the  draughts  of  myrrh,  "  for 
he  had  heard  that  such  was  the  wont  of  princes  in 
Moorish  lands."  So  the  Cid  was  placed  on  his  wooden 
horse  before  the  high  altar  of  St.  Peter's  chapel  and 
many  masses  were  sung  by  the  King's  orders.  The 
King  forbade  that  he  should  be  buried,  but  they 
could  not  leave  him  thus.  A  tabernacle  was  built  on 
the  right  of  the  altar  for  him,  and  in  it  was  placed  the 
ivory  settle  or  throne  on  which  he  was  wont  to  sit. 
The  boards  that  supported  the  body  in  an  upright 
position  were  taken  away  and  a  purple  cloak  and 


354  The  Cid,  [1096- 

breeches  were  made  for  him  from  the  stuff  that  the 
Sultan  sent.  Thus  he  sat  for  ten  years  on  his 
throne  with  his  right  hand  on  the  clasps  of  his  man- 
tle and  in  his  left  Tizona  sheathed. 

When  the  Cid's  last  orders  had  been  faithfully- 
carried  out,  the  King,  the  Princes,  his  sons-in-law, 
Gerdnimo,  Alvar  Failez,  and  the  rest  departed,  but 
Jimena  lingered  by  the  body  of  her  dead  husband, 
visiting  it  morning  and  evening,  and  quitting  it  only 
during  the  hours  necessary  for  food  and  sleep.  Even 
so,  she  must  be  dragged  away  by  her  attendants, 
and  when  vigils  were  held  for  the  Cid's  soul,  she  re- 
mained all  night  long  in  the  church. 

Babieca,  the  famous  horse,  survived  his  master  two 
years  and  left  descendants  male  and  female  in  the 
land.  No  man  ever  mounted  him  and  he  was  led  to 
water  by  the  faithful  Gil  Diaz,  who  buried  him  at 
last,  after  a  life  of  over  forty  years,  to  the  right  of 
the  gate  of  the  monastery,  and  planted  over  him  the 
two  great  elms  which  all  may  see.  Jimena  lived 
only  four  years  after  the  Cid's  death  and  was  buried 
at  the  foot  of  the  ivory  throne  on  which  her  hus- 
band's body  was  seated.  Her  daughters  came  to 
her  funeral  and  divided  the  rich  inheritance,  endow- 
ing the  monastery  and  making  rich  provision  for  the 
faithful  Gil  Diaz,  whose  body  now  lies  buried  out- 
side the  convent  gate  by  the  side  of  the  horse  he  so 
carefully  tended. 

For  ten  years,  on  each  anniversary  of  their  deaths, 
high  festival  was  held  in  the  monastery  and  the  poor 
were  clothed  in  honour  of  the  Cid  and  Jimena.  On 
such  occasions,  we  are  told,  it  was  the  custom  of  the 


1099]  Last  Battles  and  Death,  355 

Abbot  of  San  Pedro  to  preach  to  the  people,  and  so 
great  were  the  multitudes  that  came  together,  that 
they  could  not  be  seated  in  the  church  ;  so  the  ser- 
mon was  delivered  in  the  open  air.  One  day  whilst 
all  were  intent  on  the  sermon,  it  happened  that  a 
Jew  was  left  alone  in  the  church.  As  he  stood  be- 
fore the  body  of  the  Cid  he  marvelled  to  see  the 
majesty  of  his  posture  and  the  beauty  of  his  face, 
with  his  long  beard  carefully  tended,  his  sword  in  his 
left  hand  and  the  right  clasping  the  brooch  that  held 
his  mantle.  Thus  he  had  sat  now  for  seven  years, 
save  that  from  time  to  time  when  it  was  needful 
they  renewed  his  garments.  An  evil  thought  en- 
tered the  Jew's  mind  and  he  pondered  within  him- 
self, ''  This  is  the  body  of  the  famous  Cid  Ruy  Diaz, 
of  whom,  men  tell  that  never  did  any  seize  his 
beard  :^  now  I  will  seize  him  by  the  beard  and  will 
see  what  he  may  be  able  to  do  to  me."  Then  he 
stretched  forth  his  hand  to  seize  the  Cid's  beard,  but 
before  he  could  accomplish  his  cowardly  purpose, 
the  right  hand  of  the  dead  suddenly  unclasped  from 
the  mantle  and  seizing  the  pommel  of  the  sword 
drew  it  from  the  sheath  a  palm's  length.     When  the 


*  The  Poema  del  Cid  contains  frequent  allusions  to  the  supersti- 
tious reverence  in  which  the  beard  was  held.     The  Cid  in  battle  wore 
his  beard  tied  with  a  cord  under  his  breastplate.     In  the  moment  of 
victory  when  there  was  no  longer  any  danger  of  insult  to  it  he  spread 
it  abroad  to  terrify  his  enemies.      He  is  called  "he  of  the  splendid 
beard."     In  the   Chanson  de  Roland  the  Emperor  swears  "by  my 
beard  and  moustache."  Compare  also  Canto  ccxxviii.  : 
' '  Mult  genie ment  le  empere  chevalcliet 
Desur  sa  bronie  fors  ad  mise  sa  barbe 
Pur  sue  atnor  altretal  funt  li  altre." 


356  TJie  Cid,  [1096- 

Jew  beheld  this  he  was  so  sore  afraid  that  he  fell  on 
his  back  in  a  fainting  fit.  The  Abbot  and  the  rest 
of  the  folk  returned  and  found  him  stretched  before 
the  body  of  the  Cid  so  quiet  that  he  seemed  dead. 
The  Abbot  noted  the  change  in  the  Cid's  position; 
wondering,  he  called  for  holy  water,  and  cast  it  in 
the  face  of  the  Jew,  so  that  he  came  to  himself. 
Questioned  as  to  what  had  happened,  he  fell  at  the 
feet  of  the  Abbot  and  told  him  the  whole  truth,  beg- 
ging him  to  receive  him  into  the  Christian  Church. 
This  was  done,  and  till  the  end  of  his  life  the  Jew 
remained  in  the  monastery  as  a  faithful  servant.  The 
hand  of  the  Cid  could  never  be  unclasped  from  his 
sword,  and  so,  according  to  the  legend,  it  remains  to 
this  day,  for  ten  years  after  his  death  the  end  of  his 
nose  fell  off,  and  they  buried  him  seated  on  his  ivory 
throne  in  a  vault  before  the  high  altar. 

Another  legend  of  early  date  is  valuable  as  shew- 
ing the  respect  in  which  the  Cid  was  held.  Nearly  a 
hundred  years  after  his  death  there  was  war  between 
Castille  and  Navarre,  and  Sancho,  King  of  Navarre, 
made  a  foray  into  Castille  advancing  as  far  as  Ata- 
puerca  and  carrying  off  much  booty  including  the 
ploughing  oxen  of  the  peasants.  On  his  return  he 
passed  by  the  monastery  of  San  Pedro  de  Cardena 
where  lay  the  body  of  the  Cid.  At  this  timevthe 
abbey  was  ruled  by  an  aged  prior  who  in  his  youth 
had  been  a  soldier  and  a  noble  knight.  When  he 
saw  all  this  booty  driven  from  Castille  his  spirit  was 
stirred  and,  though  it  was  long  since  he  had  mounted 
a  horse,  he  rode  forth  accompanied  by  ten  of  his  friars, 
the  strongest  of  whom  bore  the  banner  of  the  Cid. 


1099]  Last  Battles  and  Death.  357 

As  they  drew  near  the  King  of  Navarre  wondered  at 
the  green  banner  and  the  unknown  device  such  as 
none  of  his  contemporaries  bore.  The  smaUness  of 
the  company  reassured  him,  and  he  waited  till  they 
joined  him.  The  Abbot  explained  who  he  was  and 
whose  was  the  banner.  He  besought  the  King,  out 
of  reverence  to  him  who  had  so  often  followed  it  in 
the  fight  and  for  the  sake  of  his  own  good  name,  to 
relinquish  his  booty.  The  King  was  touched  by  the 
old  man's  boldness  and  granted  his  request  confessing 
that,  if  the  Cid  had  been  alive,  he  would  never  have 
dared  to  harry  his  lands.  King  and  Abbot  returned 
in  company  to  San  Pedro's  monastery ;  the  banner 
was  replaced  where  it  was  wont  to  hang.  Sancho 
lodged  three  weeks  in  the  monastery  whilst  the 
cattle  and  goods  were  being  restored  to  their  right- 
ful owners.  He  left  behind  him  on  his  departure  a 
handsome  sum  wherewith  to  purchase  masses  for  the 
repose  of  the  soul  of  the  Cid,  whom  he  counted 
amongst  his  kinsmen. 

The  body  of  the  Cid  lay  in  the  tomb  in  which, 
according  to  the  m.ost  trustworthy  accounts,  it  had 
been  laid  by  his  widow,  until  the  year  1272  when 
Alfonso  the  Learned,  King  of  Castille  and  author  of 
the  Chronicle  on  which  we  depend  for  so  large  a 
portion  of  our  information  about  the  Cid,  caused  a; 
sepulchre  to  he  wrought  of  two  huge  stones.  In  it 
he  placed  the  body  on  the  epistle  side  of  the  high 
altar.  Round  the  base  of  the  stone  ran  the  follow- 
ing inscription  : 

"  Belliger,  invictus,  famosus  Marte  triumphis, 

Clauditur  hoc  tumulo  magnus  Didaci  Rodericus." 


358  TJie  Cid.  [1096- 

Above  were  the  following  verses  : 

"  Quantum  Roma  potens  bellicis  extollitur  actis, 
Vivax  Arthurus  fit  gloria  quanta  Britannis, 
Nobilis  e  Carolo  quantum  gaudet  Francia  Magno, 
Tantum  Iberia  duris  (?)  Cid  invictus  claret." 

Another  inscription  on  a  wall  hard  by  the  tomb 
makes  the  Cid  himself  bear  witness  to  the  legends 
that  so  rapidly  collected  round  his  name.  It  was  in 
Spanish  and  read  thus :  "  The  Cid  Ruy  Diez  am  I, 
who  lie  here  buried,  and  I  conquered  King  Bucar 
together  with  thirty-six  pagan  Kings.  Of  these 
thirty-six  Kings  twenty-two  died  in  the  field.  I 
conquered  them  hard  by  Valencia,  after  I  was 
dead,  mounted  upon  my  horse.  With  this  one,  the 
pitched  battles  that  I  gained  are  seventy  and  two.  I 
won  Colada  and  Tizona,  wherefore  God  be  praised. 
Amen." 

In  1447  Don  Pedro  de  Burgo,  abbot  of  Cardena, 
disturbed  the  foundations  of  the  old  church  in  order 
to  facilitate  the  building  of  a  new  one.  Amongst 
other  tombs  that  of  the  Cid  was  removed  and  placed 
on  four  stone  lions  opposite  the  sacristy.  Nearly  a 
century  later  another  abbot,  Lope  de  Frias,  again 
disinterred  it.  He  found  a  coffin  studded  with  gilt 
nails  and  in  it  the  bones,  sword  and  spurs  of  the^Cid 
wrapped  in  a  winding-sheet  of  Moorish  embroidery. 
With  much  ceremony  it  was  placed  near  the  wall  on 
the  gospel  side  of  the  church.  Great  indignation 
was  excited  by  this  change,  and  the  Constable  of 
Castille  together  with  the  magistrates  forwarded  a 
complaint  to  the   reigning   monarch,  the  Emperor 


1099]  Last  Battles  a7id  Death.  359 

Charles  V.  The  Abbot  at  the  same  time  sent  a  me- 
morial in  which  he  pointed  out  that  the  Cid  now  lay 
in  a  more  honourable  position  and  nearer  to  the  high 
altar  than  before.  The  hero  had  been  unable  to 
protect  his  bones  against  the  Abbot  as  he  had  done 
against  the  Jew  of  yore,  but  he  found  a  champion 
in  the  Emperor,  who  made  the  Abbot  rue  his  rash- 
ness by  forwarding  the  decree  in  which  he  speaks  as 
follows : 

"  To    all    men  is  known    the   fame,  nobility   and 
exploits  of  the  Cid,  whose  valour  gave  greater  hon- 
our to  the  whole  of  Spain  and  especially  to  that  city 
of  which  he  was  a  citizen,  whence  his  lineage  sprang, 
and  where  he  was  born  ;  and  that  both  the  natives  of 
these  realms  and  strangers  who    pass  through   the 
aforesaid  city  desire  to  see  among  its  principal  sights 
his  tomb  and  the  place  where  he  and  his  kinsfolk  are 
buried,  by  reason  of  its  magnificence  and  antiquity  ; 
now  thirty  or  forty  days  ago,  you,  without   respect 
for  what  is  said  above,  nor  regarding  the  fact  that  the 
Cid  is  our  ancestor,  nor  the  wealth  that  he  left  to 
your  convent   and  the  pre-eminence  that  the  afore- 
said monastery  receives  from  his  having  been  buried 
there,  have  cast  out  and  removed  his  tomb  from  the 
midst  of  the  principal  chapel  where  it  had  stood  for 
more  than  forty  years,  and  have    placed  it  near  a 
flight  of  steps  in  an  unseemly  place,  much  less  digni- 
fied and  honourable  than  the  position  to  which  his 
fame  entitled  him.     Your  action  has  been   strongly 
disapproved  in  the  aforesaid  city.     So  when  we  were 
besought  to  intervene  we  have  been  pleased  to  order 
that  you  restore  the  bodies  of  the  Cid  and  of  his  wife 


360  TJic  Cid.  [1096- 

to  the  place  and  in  the  manner  that  they  before 
occupied." 

The  Emperor's  commands  were  promptly  carried 
out,  and  the  tomb  was  replaced  in  the  former  posi- 
tion. If  the  memory  of  the  Cid  owes  much  to  the 
Emperor  who  thus  honoured  his  tomb,  it  owes 
scarcely  less  to  his  brother  the  Emperor  Ferdinand 
I.,  Avho  was  so  attracted  by  the  Chronicle  of  the  Cid 
with  which  he  became  acquainted  on  a  visit  to  Bur- 
gos, that  by  his  orders  the  first  edition  of  it  was 
published  in  15 12. 

The  soldiers  of  Napoleon  who  carried  off  so  many 
precious  relics  from  Spain  respected  the  remains  of 
the  Cid,  and  when  the  monastery  of  Cardeila  was 
disestablished  (1809)  General  Thiebault  brought 
them  with  all  respect  to  Burgos.  Since  1842  they 
have  lain  in  the  town-hall  awaiting  a  more  honour- 
able resting-place. 

The  Cid  left  behind  him  no  male  offspring ;  the 
only  son  mentioned  by  the  Chronicles  as  born  to  him 
was  called  Diego  Ruiz,  and  the  only  fact  recorded 
of  him  is  that  he  was  slain  at  Consuegra  by  the 
Moors.  The  occasion  and  date  are  unknown.  Of 
his  two  daughters,  Dona  Christina  and  Dona  Maria, 
the  latter  married  the  Count  Ramon  Berenger  III. 
of  Barcelona.  This  marriage,  as  is  proved  by  docu- 
ments, took  place  before  1098.  In  1106  we  find  the 
Count,  her  husband,  married  to  another  wife,  so 
Dofia  Maria  Rodriguez  was  already  dead.  She  left 
a  daughter  who  married  the  last  Count  of  Bezalu 
and  this  branch  of  the  Cid's  family  came  to  an  end, 
for  the  Count  died  childless  in   1112.     Far  different 


10991  Last  Battles  and  Death.  361 

was  the  fortune  of  the  other  line.  Dona  Christina 
was  married  to  Don  Ramiro,  Infante  of  Navarre  and 
afterwards  Lord  of  Monzon,  the  son  of  the  prince  of 
the  same  name  who  was  slain  at  Rueda.  Of  this 
marriage  was  born  Garcia  Ramirez,  who,  chosen  king 
by  his  countrymen  on  the  death  of  Ramiro  the 
Monk,  gained  for  himself  the  glorious  name  of  the 
Restorer  by  reconquering  the  independence  of  Na- 
v^arre  and  pushing  his  frontier  forward  to  the  Ebro. 
From  him  the  crown  passed  to  his  son,  Sancho 
Garces,  surnamed  the  Wise  on  account  of  the  cun- 
ning he  displayed  in  his  dealings  with  his  neigh- 
bours. He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Sancho  the 
Strong,  a  giant  of  heroic  courage  and  a  worthy 
descendant  of  the  Campeador.  A  sister  of  this 
prince,  Doiia  Blanca,  by  her  marriage  with  Don 
Sancho  III.  of  Castille  brought  the  Cid's  blood  into 
the  family  that  afterwards  produced  the  great  Queen 
Isabel  the  Catholic,  ancestress  of  the  present  King 
Alfonso  XIII. 

Even  from  the  Saracens  who  had  such  good  cause 
to  hate  him  we  have  testimony  as  to  the  Cid's  heroic 
character.  "  This  scourge  of  his  time,"  says  Ibn- 
Bessam,  *'  was  by  the  boldness  of  his  wit,  the  greatness 
of  his  prudence  and  resolution,  and  his  incompara- 
ble courage  a  miracle  of  the  miracles  of  God,  and 
he  was,  God's  curse  light  on  him,  the  conqueror  of 
banners." 

As  for  Valencia  she  was  destined  to  remain  two 
hundred  years  longer  in  the  power  of  the  Infidel. 
He  who  won  her  back  for  the  second  time,  En 
Jaime  el  Conquistador,  King  of  Aragon,  was  a  giant 


;62 


The  Cid. 


[1096-99 


like  to  the  Cid  himself  in  valour,  ruthless,  too,  at 
times,  but  at  others  giving  proof  of  the  gentler  traits 
of  a  more  civilised  age."^^  En  Jaime  was  no  Castillian 
but  a  Catalan  by  birth.  Catalans  were  those  who  set- 
tled in  the  rich  lands  of  Valencia,  and  Catalan  is  the 
language  heard  to-day  in  the  street  of  the  city.  But 
the  memory  of  the  first  conquest  by  Castillians  has 
not  been  entirely  swallowed  up  in  the  second,  and 
Valencia  is  still  called  Valencia  del  Cid. 


*  Longfellow  has  told  in  verse  the  story  how  a  swallow  built  its 
nest  in  En  Jaime's  tent,  and  how  by  the  king's  order  the  tent  was  left 
standing  till  the  brood  had  flown. 


COIN  OF  ALFONSO  VI.  OF  CASTILLE  AND  LEON. 


APPENDIX  I. 

CHALLENGES      AND    JUDICIAL     COMBATS    BETWEEN 
NOBLEMEN. 

The  story  of  the  CicI  so  often  mentions  judicial  combats  that  ex- 
tracts from  the  laws  concerning  this  subject  will  probably  be  found 
interesting.  The  earlier  Statute  Books,  the  Ftiero  Viejo  and  Fuero 
J\t'al,  mention  the  subject,  but  Alfonso  the  Learned  treats  of  it  with  a 
minuteness  which  proves  its  importance.  His  Pariidas  merely  sanc- 
tion and  regulate  a  custom  which  undoubtedly  prevailed  in  the  time 
of  the  Cid,  but  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  judicial  combats  de- 
scribed in  the  foregoing  pages  are  for  the  most  part  taken  from  chron- 
iclers who  wrote  after  the  publication  of  the  following  laws  in  the 
thirteenth  century. 

Partida  VII.     Cap.  III. 
Of  Challenges    {Riepios). 

Challenges  are  given  and  accepted  by  noblemen  according  to  the 
customary  law  of  Spain  when  they  accuse  one  another  of  treason  or 
treachery. 

Law  I. 

Of  the  nature  of  a  challenge,  and  7vhence  it  took  its  name. 

A  challenge  is  an  accusation  that  one  nobleman  makes  against 
another  in  presence  of  the  Court,  impugning  him  for  the  treason  or 
treachery  that  he  did  him.  Such  challenge  is  of  advantage  to  him 
who  makes  it,  for  it  is  a  means  of  attaining  justice  for  the  wrong  or 
for  the  dishonour  that  was  done  him.  And  it  is  also  of  advantage  to 
those  who  see  it  or  hear  of  it,  for  they  take  warning  to  guard  against 
falling  into  such  misdemeanour,  so  that  they  be  not  put  to  the  blush. 

363 


364  Appendix  I. 


Law  TI. 
Persons  who  may  challenge  :  their  quality  ;  and  the  place. 

A  challenge  may  be  sent  by  any  nobleman  for  wrong  or  dishonour, 
involving  treason  or  treachery,  that  has  been  done  to  him  by  another 
nobleman.  And  this  he  may  do  for  himself  so  long  as  he  be  alive  ; 
and,  if  he  be  dead,  he  upon  whom  the  dishonour  descends  may  do  it; 
the  father  may  challenge  for  the  son,  and  the  son  for  the  father,  or 
the  brother  for  the  brother.  And  if  there  exist  no  such  relatives,  the 
nearest  of  kin  to  the  dead  may  do  so.  Even  the  vassal  may  challenge 
for  his  lord,  and  the  lord  for  the  vassal,  and  any  friend  may  reply  for 
his  friend  when  he  is  challenged,  as  is  shown  hereafter.  But  for  a 
man  who  is  alive  none  other  may  challenge  except  himself,  for  in 
challenges  no  substitute  may  be  accepted.  Except  only  when  one 
would  challenge  another  on  behalf  of  his  lord,  or  a  woman,  or  one  in 
orders,  or  by  reason  that  he  may  not  or  can  not  bear  arms.  For, 
certes,  we  hold  it  right,  that  in  the  case  of  such  as  these,  any  kinsman 
may  challenge,  even  though  he  be  alive  on  whose  behalf  the  challenge 
is  sent.  But  we  declare  that  no  traitor  nor  son  of  a  traitor  nor  one 
who  be  proved  treacherous,  may  challenge  another,  nor  one  who  hath 
been  judged  to  have  rendered  himself  infamous  {Jizo  cosa porque  vala 
menos)  according  to  the  customary  law  of  Spain,  Moreover  a  man 
who  is  under  a  challenge  may  not  challenge  another  until  he  be  rid  of 
his  challenge,  nor  one  who  has  retracted  his  words  in  public,  nor  may 
any  challenge  one  with   whom  he  is  at  truce,  so  long  as  the  truce 

lasts. 

Law  in. 

For  7vhat  cause  a  nobleman  may  challenge  another. 

A  challenge  may  be  sent  to  any  nobleman  who  kills,  or  wounds,  or 
dishonours,  or  captures,  or  harries  another  nobleman  without  having 
first  defied  him.  And  he  Avho  challenges  for  any  of  these  reasons, 
may  declare  him  a  traitor  for  this  cause.  And  if  a  noblemai'i^do  any 
of  these  aforesaid  things  to  another  who  is  not  noble,  or  if  persons 
who  are  not  noble  do  such  things  one  to  another,  they  are  not  there- 
fore traitors,  nor  can  they  be  therefore  challenged  though  they  are 
bound  to  make  restitution  at  law.  Above  all  we  declare  that  no  chal- 
lenge may  be  sent  except  for  cause  or  matter  that  involves  treason  or 
treachery.  Wherefore  if  one  nobleman  burn  or  destroy  the  houses  of 
another  or  his  castle,  or  cut  down  his  vines  or  trees,  or  do  violence  to 


Appendix  I.  365 


his  property,  even  though  he  have  not  defied  him  before,  he  is  not  for 
this  a  traitor  nor  can  he  be  challenged,  except  he  have  done  it  under 
truce  and  knowingly. 

Law   IV. 

IIozo  a    challenge  should  be  jnade,  and  hcno  the  challenged  should 
anszver. 

He  who  would  challenge  another  must  do  it  thus  :  he  must  first 
see  tliat  the  cause  for  which  he  would  challenge  is  such  t'hat  it 
involves  treason  or  treachery,  and,  besides,  he  must  be  assured  that 
he  whom  he  would  challenge  is  at  fault.  And  when  he  be  certain 
and  assured  of  these  two  things  he  must  first  declare  the  matter  to  the 
King  in  private  and  say  as  follows  :  "  Sir,  such  and  such  a  knight 
did  such  and  such  a  wrong,  and  it  is  my  right  to  defame  him,  and  I 
beg  as  a  boon  that  I  may  challenge  him  for  it."  Then  the  King 
should  admonish  him  to  take  good  heed  that  it  be  a  matter  he  can 
carry  out,  and  even  though  he  reply  that  such  it  is,  he  should  advise  him 
to  make  his  peace  with  him  ;  and  if  he  be  willing  to  make  amends  to 
him  otherwise,  without  challenge,  the  King  must  bid  him  accept  it 
and  appoint  a  period  of  three  days  within  which  satisfaction  be  given  ; 
and  in  these  three  days  they  may  be  reconciled  without  infamy.  If 
they  be  not  reconciled  after  the  third  day,  he  must  be  summoned  to 
appear  at  a  stated  time  before  the  King,  and  then  the  other  must 
challenge  him  publicly  before  the  court  in  the  presence  of  at  least 
twelve  knights,  saying  thus  :  "  Sir,  the  knight  so  and  so  who  is  here 
in  your  presence  wrought  such  and  such  treason  or  treachery  (and  he 
must  declare  what  it  was  and  how  he  did  it),  and  I  declare  that  he  is 
a  traitor  on  this  account,  or  treacherous."  And  if  he  choose  to  prove 
it  against  him  by  combat,  then  let  him  declare  that  he  will  lay  hand 
to  it  and  will  make  him  confess  it,  or  that  he  will  kill  him,  or  will 
oblige  him  to  quit  the  lists  beaten.  And  he  who  is  challenged  must 
reply,  each  time  his  adversary  says  "  traitor"  or  "  treacherous,"  that 
he  lies  ;  this  reply  he  must  make  because  it  is  the  worst  insult  that  can 
be.  Neither  the  king  nor  the  assembly  can  order  that  the  challenge 
be  decided  by  combat,  except  only  if  he  who  is  challenged  be  pleased 
to  combat.  And  if  it  befall  that  he  mIio  is  challenged  die  before  the 
delay  is  expired,  let  his  good  name  be  held  unblemished  and  guiltless 
of  the  treason  and  treachery  of  which  he  was  challenged,  and  let  it 
harm  neither  him  nor  his  lineage  since  he  gave  the  lie  to  the  chal- 
lenger and  was  prepared  to  defend  himself. 


366  Appendix  L 


Law  V. 

What  persons  may  answer  the  challenge  even  though  he    ivho   is 
challenged  do  not  present  himself  within  the  appointed  time. 

If  he  who  is  challenged  come  not  to  answer  the  challenge  within  the 
appointed  time,  he  who  caused  him  to  be  summoned  may  challenge 
him  in  the  King's  presence  as  though  he  were  there  in  person.  But 
if  there  happen  to  be  present  his  father,  or  son,  or  brother,  or  near 
kinsman,  or  any  that  is  lord  or  vassal  of  him  who  is  challenged,  or 
his  comrade,  or  companion  with  whom  he  may  have  gone  on  pilgrim- 
age or  any  long  journey  in  which  they  have  eaten  or  lodged  together, 
or  a  friend  whose  marriage  he  may  have  arranged,  or  that  of  his  son 
or  daughter  ;  or  one  whom  he  have  knighted  or  made  his  heir,  or  en- 
abled to  recover  an  inheritance  that  he  might  have  lost  ;  or  his  friend 
by  whom  he  may  have  been  saved  from  death  or  from  dishonour,  or 
from  great  harm,  or  whom  he  may  have  delivered  from  captivity,  or 
on  whom  he  has  bestowed  his  goods  to  relieve  him  of  poverty  in  time 
of  need  ;  or  any  other  friend  of  proved  affection  with  whom  he  shall 
have  agreed  upon  a  certain  name  whereby  they  may  call  one  another 
such  as  is  called  a  court-name  {no?ne  de  corte),  any  of  these  may  an- 
swer for  him  who  is  challenged,  if  he  be  willing  to  give  the  lie  to  the 
challenger.  And  if  it  happen  that  there  be  none  to  answer  or  to  give 
the  lie  on  behalf  of  him  who  was  summoned  but  came  not  within  the 
appointed  time  to  hear  the  challenge,  then  the  King  by  right  of  his 
office  must  grant  this  term  of  forty  and  two  days  and  await  till  they 
be  passed  to  see  if  he  will  come  to  defend  himself  ;  and  if  he  come 
not  nor  send  excuse,  from  that  time  forward  he  may  be  declared  out- 
law. But  if  after  this  he  come  and  give  a  rightful  reason  wherefore 
he  could  not  come,  we  order  that  it  be  held  good  and  that  he  defend 
himself  if  he  can. 

Law  VI I L 

The  challenger  and  challenged  must  follow  up  their  suit  urdil  it  be 
ended.  Penalties  incurred  by  the  challenger  if  he  fail  to  prove 
his  zvords  ;  and  by  the  challenged  if  the  offence  for  which  he  was 
challenged  be  proved  upon  him. 

Both  challenger  and  challenged  must  follow  up  their  suit  until  it  be 
ended  by  the  sentence  of  the  Court,  and  the  challenger  may  not  be 
reconciled  to  the  challenged  without  command  of  the  King,  and  if  he 
be  so  reconciled,  the  King  may  for  this  reason  banish  him.     And  if  it 


Appendix  I,  367 


befall  that  the  challenger  cannot  prove  his  cause,  or  abandon  it  after 
challenging  for  it  and  refuse  to  carry  it  forward,  he  must  take  back 
his  words  before  the  King  and  the  Court  admitting  that  he  lied  in  the 
evil  he  spoke  of  him  whom  he  challenged.  And  if  he  take  back  his 
words,  from  that  time  forward  he  cannot  challenge  nor  be  the  peer  of 
another  in  combat  or  in  honour.  And  if  he  refuse  to  take  back  his 
words,  the  King  must  banish  him  and  declare  him  the  enemy  of  him 
whom  he  challenged,  and  this  for  his  over-boldness  in  speaking  ill  of 
one  of  the  King's  lieges  in  his  presence  without  just  cause.  The 
same  course  must  be  followed  when  the  challenger  refuses  proof  by 
witnesses  or  writings  of  what  he  said  but  offers  proof  by  investigation 
instituted  by  the  King,  or  by  combat.  For  if  the  challenged  refuse 
the  investigation  and  the  combat,  he  must  be  held  freed  from  the 
challenge  ;  for  he  is  not  obliged  to  expose  his  good  cause  to  the  risks 
of  investigation  or  combat.  Moreover  we  declare  that,  if  he  who  was 
challenged  be  worsted  in  the  suit  for  which  the  challenge  was  made, 
and  declared  a  traitor,  he  must  be  banished  from  the  land  for  ever 
and  forfeit  half  his  goods  and  his  person  to  the  king.  But  a  noble- 
man must  not  be  put  to  death  for  being  a  traitor  unless  the  matter  be 
so  bad  that  any  one  who  had  done  it  would  be  put  to  death  for  it. 
But  if  he  who  was  challenged  be  vanquished  and  declared  a  traitor, 
he  must  die  for  it  and  lose  all  that  he  has  and  forfeit  it  to  the  King, 
as  we  said  above  when  we  spoke  of  treason. 

Partida  VII.     Cap.  IV. 
Of  Combats. 

A  combat  is  a  kind  of  trial  that  men  formerly  made  use  of  when 
they  elected  to  defend  themselves  by  arms  against  a  foul  charge  for 
which  they  were  challenged. 

Law  I. 

Defines  a  combat,   the  cause  of  its  hivention,   its  purpose,  and  the 
different  kinds  of  combat. 

According  to  the  custom  of  Spain  the  combat  is  a  kind  of  trial 
which  the  King  orders  to  be  held,  after  challenge  made  in  his  pres- 
ence, and  when  both  parties  agree  to  combat,  for  otherwise  the  King 
would  not  order  it.  And  the  cause  for  which  the  combat  was  in- 
vented is  this  :    the  noblemen  of  Spain  held  that  it  was  better  to  de- 


68  Appendix  L 


fend  their  right  and  their  good  faitli  by  arms  than  to  expose  it  to  the 
risk  of  judicial  investigation  and  false  witnesses.  And  it  is  of  advan- 
tage because  noblemen,  through  fear  of  the  dangers  and  reverses  that 
happen  in  it,  are  sometimes  afraid  to  commit  acts  which  entail  the 
obligation  of  combat.  There  are  two  kinds  of  combat  usual  as  forms 
of  trial.  One  is  that  which  knights  practise  among  themselves  fight- 
ing on  horseback.  The  other  kind  is  fought  on  foot  by  citizens  of 
towns  or  villages,  according  to  such  ancient  charters  as  they  may 
enjoy. 

Law  II. 

Persons  who  may  combat,  and  for  zvhat  cause  ;  place  and  manner  of 
combat. 

Challenger  and  challenged  may  combat  when  they  agree  to  do  so, 
and  they  must  combat  for  the  cause  that  provoked  the  challenge,  as 
we  said  in  the  chapter  on  challenges.  And  this  they  must  not  do  save 
by  the  King's  command  and  at  such  time  as  shall  be  appointed  to 
them  for  the  purpose.  The  King  must  fix  a  term  and  name  a  day 
for  their  combat  and  appoint  the  arms  that  are  to  be  used,  and  um- 
pires to  fix  upon  the  lists  and  set  their  boundaries  and  point  them  out  so 
that  they  may  understand  and  know  them  rightly  ;  for  the  boundaries 
of  the  lists  are  places  from  which  they  must  not  go  out  unless  by  or- 
der of  the  King  or  the  umpires.  And  when  this  is  done  they  must 
be  placed  in  the  centre  of  the  lists  in  such  manner  that  neither  has 
advantage  of  the  sun,  and  they  must  be  told  before  the  combat  be- 
gins what  they  have  to  do,  and  examination  must  be  made  to  see  if 
they  have  such  arms  as  the  King  commanded,  or  more  or  less.  Un- 
til the  umpires  quit  them,  either  may  change  his  horse  or  arms,  and 
when  they  have  got  horse  and  arms  to  their  mind,  the  umpires  must 
leave  the  lists  and  remain  at  hand  to  see  and  hear  what  they  do  and 
say.  And  then  the  challenger  must  first  attack  the  challenged  ;  but 
if  the  challenger  do  not  attack  him,  the  challenged  may  attack  if  he 
choose. 

Law  III. 

The  challenger  may  not  appoint  a  substitute  for  the  combat  if  the 
challenged  be  unwilling. 

If  a  nobleman  be  guilty  of  any  offence  involving  treason  or  treach- 
ery towards  a  person  of  less  estate,  he  to  whom  the  wrong  w^s  done 
may  challenge  him  for  it.      And  the  nobleman,  if  he  wish  to  do  so, 


Appendix  L  369 


may  combat  with  him  or  may  appoint  him  his  peer.  But  the  chal- 
lenger may  not  appoint  his  peer  as  substitute  to  fight  for  him  unless 
the  challenged  agree  :  and  if  a  peer  be  appointed,  he  must  be  his  peer 
in  lineage  and  honour  and  in  estate  and  in  strength.  For  it  is  not 
fair  that  a  lusty  man  should  combat  with  one  of  little  strength.  And 
if  he  who  appoints  a  peer  name  one  of  more  honourable  lineage  or 
more  honourable  in  other  respects,  provided  that  he  be  not  more 
lusty  and  that  he  agree  to  be  the  peer  of  the  other,  he  may  not  reject 
him.  Moreover  we  decree  that,  if  a  man  challenge  two  or  more  for 
any  matter,  those  who  are  challenged  be  not  bound  to  accept  a  peer 
if  they  do  not  wish.  But  let  the  challenger  take  heed  what  he  does, 
for  so  many  as  he  challenges,  so  many  will  he  have  to  fight,  or  any 
one  of  them  as  they  may  please  :  that  is  to  say,  if  those  who  are 
challenged  choose  to  fight  and  refuse  to  accept  a  peer.  And  if 
several  persons  find  cause  to  challenge  one  for  any  matter,  let  them 
choose  among  themselves  one  to  challenge  him  :  and  let  him  settle 
the  matter  with  him  and  not  with  the  others. 

Law  IV. 

Penalty  incurred  by  Mvi  who  quits  the  lists  or  is  vanqtdshed ;    ivhat 
the  challenged 7)iust  do  in  the  Jight  to  clear  himself. 

Neither  challenger  nor  challenged  may  quit  the  lists  without  the 
King's  command  or  that  of  the  umpires.  And  whosoever  trans- 
gresses in  this  respect,  quitting  the  lists  of  his  free  will  or  driven 
out  by  his  adversary,  shall  be  counted  vanquished.  But  if,  through 
the  fault  of  his  horse,  or  a  broken  rein,  or  other  evident  accident, 
according  to  the  clear  opinion  of  the  umpires,  against  his  will  and 
not  compelled  by  his  adversary,  either  of  them  shall  quit  the  lists 
(provided  that  so  soon  as  he  can,  either  on  foot  or  on  horseback  he 
shall  return  to  the  lists)  he  shall  not  be  held  vanquished  for  having 
thus  quitted  them.  And  if  the  challenger  be  killed  in  the  lists,  the 
challenged  shall  be  held  cleared  of  the  challenge,  even  though  the 
challenger  have  not  taken  back  his  words.  And  if  the  challenged 
die  in  the  lists  without  confessing  himself  treacherous  or  admitting 
that  he  committed  the  deed  for  which  he  was  challenged,  he  dies 
guiltless  of  the  fault  ;  for  it  is  but  fair  that  he  who  dies  to  maintain 
his  word  should  be  held  guiltless.  Moreover,  we  declare  the  chal- 
lenged to  be  cleared  if  the  challenger  do  not  attack  him,  for  he  is 
justified  by  the  fact  that  he  stood  ready  in  the  lists  to  defend  his 
24 


o/ 


o  Appendix  I. 


right.  Also  we  declare  that  when  the  challenger  kill  the  challenged 
in  the  lists  ;  or  the  challenged  kill  the  challenger,  the  survivor  shall 
not  be  held  to  be  the  enemy  of  the  kin  of  the  dead  by  reason  of  the 
slaying.  And  the  King  shall  cause  the  kinsmen  of  the  dead  to 
pardon  him  and  assure  his  safety  if  there  be  reason  to  fear  from  any 
of  them. 

Law  V. 

The  umpires  may  zviihdraio  the  combatajits  from  the  lists. 

If  on  the  first  day  neither  challenged  nor  challenger  be  vanquished, 
at  nightfall  or  before,  if  both  be  willing  and  the  King  so  order,  the 
umpires  shall  withdraw  them  from  the  lists  and  shall  put  them  both 
in  a  house,  and  give  them  food  and  drink  and  couch  alike,  and  also 
in  all  other  respects  as  shall  be  fair.  But  if  one  choose  to  eat  more 
or  drink  more  than  the  other,  let  it  be  given  to  him  ;  and  on  the 
day  when  they  must  put  them  back  in  the  lists,  they  must  put  them 
back  in  the  same  place  and  in  the  same  condition  as  regards  horses, 
arms,  and  all  other  things  as  they  were  in  when  they  withdrew  them 
thence.  And  if  the  challenged  can  defend  himself  for  three  days  in 
the  lists  without  being  vanquished,  when  the  three  days  are  past 
he  shall  be  held  cleared,  and  the  challenger  shall  undergo  the  penalty 
that  is  appointed  by  the  law  w'hich  treats  of  those  who  fail  to  make 
good  their  words  by  challenge. 


COIN  CF  ALFONSO  VI.  OF  CASTILLE  AND  LEON. 


yM^ 

^,-^1^ 


APPENDIX  II. 

THE    LAWS   OF    BANISHMENT   AND    OUTLAWRY. 

The  followinfT  are  the  regulations  determining  the  rights  of  the  King 
to  outlaw  noblemen  and  of  noblemen  to  renounce  their  allegiance  as 
set  forth  in  the  Fuero  Viejo  (Old  Code)  of  Castille. 

Book  I.  Cap.  III.    Law  III. 

How  a  Vassal  may  quit  his  Lord. 

This  is  the  right  of  Castille.  If  any  baron  {rico  ome)  being  a  vassal 
of  the  King  wish  to  separate  himself  from  (lit.  take  leave  of)  him  and 
cease  to  be  his  vassal,  he  may  renounce  his  allegiance  in  the  following 
manner  through  the  mouth  of  a  vassal  of  his  own  (knight  or  squire) 
provided  he  be  of  gentle  birth.  He  must  speak  thus  :  "  Sir,  I  kiss 
your  hands  on  behalf  of  such  and  such  a  baron,  and  from  this  day 
forward  he  is  no  longer  your  vassal. 

Cap.  IV.  Law  I. 

Of  Barons  outlaived  by  the  King. 

This  is  the  right  of  Castille.  If  the  King  outlaw  any  baron,  his 
vassal,  from  the  land  for  any  cause,  then  his  vassals  and  friends 
may  go  with  him,  nay  are  bound  to  go  with  him,  until  he  win  a  Lord 
who  favour  him.  And  if  the  King  deprive  him  of  his  rights  and  he 
consider  himself  deprived  of  his  rights  {desaforado),  his  vassals  and 
his  friends  should  go  with  him  if  they  will  and  aid  him  until  the 
King  receive  him  to  justice  at  his  Court.  But  if  any  baron  or  other 
nobleman  quit  the  land  without  being  banished  by  the  King,  those 
who  thus  quit  the  land  must  not,  either  on  their  own  behalf  or  on 


72  Appendix  11. 


behalf  of  another  lord,  levy  war  upon  the  King  or  any  part  of  his 
territory,  nor  do  any  other  hurt  to  the  King  or  his  vassals.  And  if 
any  transgress  in  this  respect  against  their  rightful  lord,  the  King 
may  invade  all  their  property  within  his  realms,  and  may  pull  down 
their  houses  and  destroy  their  vineyards  and  their  trees  and  all  their 
property  that  he  can  lay  hand  on,  and  he  may  banish  their  wives 
from  his  realms  and  their  sons  also.  But  he  must  grant  them  a  term 
for  quitting  his  realms. 

Law  II. 

This  is  the  right  of  Castille.  "When  the  King  outlaws  any  baron 
from  the  land,  he  must  grant  him  a  delay  of  thirty  days  of  right,  and 
afterwards  nine  days,  and  again  three  days,  and  he  must  give  him  a 
horse  ;  and  all  the  barons  who  are  left  in  the  kingdom  must  give  him 
each  one  a  horse.  And  if  any  baron  refuse  to  give  him  a  horse  and 
he  chance  to  capture  him  afterwards  in  battle,  he  is  not  bound  to  re- 
lease him  from  captivity  unless  he  will,  since  he  did  not  give  him  a 
horse.  .  .  .  And  when  the  baron  has  quitted  the  land  the  King 
must  assign  him  someone  to  guide  him  through  the  land,  and  must 
grant  him  victuals  on  payment,  and  must  not  increase  the  price  of 
them  to  a  higher  rate  than  that  which  was  customary  before  his  out- 
lawry. But  if  the  outlawed  baron  begin  to  make  war  upon  the  King 
and  his  land,  either  after  winning  another  lord  in  whose  company  he 
makes  war  or  on  his  own  account,  after  this  the  King  may  destroy 
his  property  and  that  of  those  who  accompany  him,  and  pull  down 
their  houses  and  tenements  and  castles,  and  cut  down  their  trees. 
But  the  King  must  not  invade  their  ancestral  houses  and  family  prop- 
erty {Jos  solares  e  las  eredades)  to  seize  them  for  himself,  but  these 
must  be  left  to  them  and  to  their  heirs.  And  the  ladies,  their  wives, 
must  receive  no  dishonour  nor  hurt — that  is  when  the  King  outlaws 
any  baron  without  just  cause — but  if  he  outlaw  him  for  evil  doing, 
the  King  may  seize  all  his  possessions,  if  on  departure  he  make  war 
upon  him  ;  and  likewise  with  regard  to  his  vassals.  But  if  it  befall 
that  the  baron  quit  the  land  of  his  free  will,  when  he  takes  his  leave, 
either  in  person  or  represented  by  some  knight,  he  kisses  the  (King's) 
hand  and  says  that  he  renounces  his  allegiance,  and  he  must  then  state 
the  reason  wherefore  he  renounces  his  allegiance.  ...  A  baron 
when  outlawed  may  have  vassals  in  two  ways.  Firstly  those  who 
have  been  brought  up  in  his  household  to  whom  he  has  given  arms  and 
wives  and  property.     Secondly  he  may  have  paid  vassals  who  of  right 


Appendix  II. 


j/o 


must  quit  the  land  with  him  and  serve  him  until  they  win  for  him 
wherewithal  to  live  (lit,  bread).  When  they  have  won  for  him  a  lord 
and  a  living,  if  they  have  served  their  time,  the  paid  vassals  may  quit 
the  baron  and  come  to  the  King  and  be  his  vassals.  But  the  other 
vassals  bred  in  the  house  and  armed  by  their  lord  must  hold  it  to  be 
the  right  of  Castille  that  they  honour  their  lord  and  do  not  withdraw 
from  him  so  long  as  he  be  outlawed.  If  the  baron  make  war  upon 
the  King  by  order  of  the  lord  whom  he  serves,  and  they  make  any 
foray  and  carry  off  anything  in  the  King's  land  or  that  of  his  vassals, 
or  if  they  do  battle  against  the  vassals  of  the  King  and  win  aught  of 
the  vassals  of  the  King,  such  as  prisoners,  or  arms,  or  cattle,  or  any- 
thing whatsoever  ;  afterwards  when  they  return  with  it  to  their  lord  and 
the  knights  share  it  with  their  men  and  with  the  soldiers  of  the  baron, 
they  must  take  the  whole  share  that  falls  to  each  one  of  them  and 
send  it  to  the  King  who  is  their  rightful  lord.  And  he  who  brings 
the  shares  must  speak  as  follows  :  "  Sir,  such  and  such  knights,  vassals 
of  such  and  such  a  baron  whom  you  outlawed  from  the  land,  send 
you  these  lots  which  they  gained  each  one  of  them  in  such  and  such 
a  foray  which  they  made  in  such  and  such  a  place,  winning  them 
from  your  vassals  and  from  your  land,  and  they  bid  pray  your  grace 
that  you  amend  the  wrong  that  you  did  to  their  lord  thus,"  (here  they 
must  declare  all  in  his  presence).  And  when  these  knights  foray  a 
second  time,  if  they  win  any  booty  in  the  King's  land,  they  must 
take  each  one  the  half  of  what  fell  to  his  lot  from  the  foray,  and  send 
it  to  the  King  like  as  in  the  first  instance.  And  after  this  second 
occasion  they  are  not  bound  to  send  anything  unless  they  please. 
And  if  they  carry  this  out,  the  King  must  do  them  no  hurt  or  injury  as 
regards  their  wives,  or  their  sons,  or  their  friends,  or  their  property. 
As  for  those  who  neglect  to  do  as  set  forth,  the  King  may  harry  and 
destroy  all  their  goods,  except  that  he  may  not  deprive  them  of  their 
ancestral  homes  or  their  family  property  ;  nor  may  any  hurt  or  dishon- 
our be  done  to  the  ladies,  their  wives,  or  to  their  children.  And  if  the 
King  of  the  land  lead  out  an  army  to  march  against  the  barons  who 
have  quitted  the  land  and  are  fighting  against  him,  when  he  is  on 
the  point  of  attacking  them  and  before  they  join  battle  the  barons 
and  the  vassals  who  are  with  them  must  send  to  pray  the  King  not  to 
enter  the  battle  in  person,  for  they  wish  not  to  fight  with  him,  but 
they  beg  him  to  withdraw  to  a  place  where  they  may  recognise  him  in 
order  that  he  may  receive  no  hurt  or  unkindness  {J>csar)  from  them. 
And  if  the  King  refuse  to  do  thus,  but  enter  the  battle,  the  barons 


74 


Appendix  II, 


and  all  their  vassals  that  belong  to  that  land  must  strive  so  much  as 
may  be  to  preserve  the  person  of  the  King  that  he  take  no  hurt  from 
them  knowingly.  And  in  the  same  manner  they  must  tell  and  pray 
the  other  troops  that  are  in  the  battle  that  they  take  heed  to  their  right- 
ful lord  so  that  he  be  not  harmed  by  them.  This  same  message  they 
must  send  to  the  King's  son  if  he  be  about  to  enter  the  battle. 


COIN    OF    SANCHO    RAMIREZ    OF   ARAGON. 


APPENDIX  III. 

A   RITUALISTIC    CONTROVERSY   IN    THE    ELEVENTH 
CENTURY, 

Of  the  circumstances  under  which  tlie  change  of  ritual  from  Span- 
ish to  Roman  was  accomplished,  a  strange  story  is  told  by  the  chron- 
iclers. It  probably  contains  a  garbled  version  of  a  historical  fact  and 
is  worth  considering  for  the  light  it  throws  on  the  manners  of  the  age. 

After  the  conquest  of  Toledo  the  whole  of  the  clergy  of  Spain  were 
banded  together  because  the  King  and  the  Legate,  Don  Ricardo,  con- 
strained them  to  receive  into  Spain  the  French  and  Roman  Ritual. 
A  conference  was  held  between  the  King,  the  Legate,  the  Primate, 
and  a  great  multitude  of  the  clergy  and  people,  and  they  discussed 
the  matter  at  length.  The  clergy,  the  nobles,  and  the  people  resisted 
with  all  their  might  any  change  in  the  ritual  of  Spain,  as  at  that  time 
established.  The  King  commanded,  and  the  Queen  entreated  them 
to  accept  the  new  ritual,  even  threats  were  freely  used  towards  any 
who  should  refuse.  At  length  it  was  agreed  that  the  matter  should 
be  decided  by  a  duel  between  two  knights,  one  of  whom  should  fight 
for  the  King  and  the  French  rite,  and  the  other  for  the  nobles,  clergy 
and  people,  and  the  Spanish  rite.  The  King's  knight  was  easily 
vanquished  by  the  representative  of  the  clergy  and  people,  Juan 
Ruyz,  a  native  of  the  town  of  Matanza  whose  descendants  were  still 
living  when  the  great  Chronicle  of  Spain  was  written  at  the  end  of 
the  thirteenth  century. 

The  people  made  great  rejoicing  over  the  victory  of  their  knight, 
but  the  King,  urged  on  by  the  Queen,  would  not  be  turned  from  his 
purpose.  He  declared  that  it  was  contrary  to  law  and  justice  that 
such  a  matter  should  be  decided  by  arms.  Thereupon  arose  a  great 
strife  between  the  King  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  clergy,  nobles  and 

375 


3/6  .  Appendix  III. 


people,  who  were  banded  together  against  him,  The  archbishops, 
bishops,  clergy  and  representatives  of  the  monastic  orders  discussed 
the  question  and  decided  that,  "inasmuch  as  it  concerned  holy 
things  and  the  service  of  God,  a  great  bonfire  of  wood  should  be 
lighted  in  the  square  where  the  knights  had  fought,  and  that  two 
good  books  should  be  brought — the  one  of  the  Spanish  ritual  and 
the  other  of  the  French — and  be  placed  in  the  fire."  It  was  ap- 
pointed that  all  should  fast  on  the  appointed  day  and  that,  after 
their  fast,  the  clergy  should  continue  in  prayer  with  much  humility 
towards  God.  "  When  they  placed  the  books  on  the  fire  the  book 
of  the  French  ritual  was  distressed  by  the  flames  which  were  ap- 
proaching to  burn  it,  and  it  gave  a  great  bound  over  the  flames  of  the 
fire  in  the  sight  of  all.  All  gave  thanks  to  God  for  that  great  miracle 
which  he  had  shown  them.  The  Spanish  book  remained  in  the  fire 
without  any  hurt  so  that  in  nowise  did  the  fire  spoil  it  nor  do  it  any 
harm.  But  King  Don  Alfonso  was  high-hearted  and  stubborn,  and 
fulfilled  his  purpose,  for  it  was  his  will  that  none  should  turn  him 
from  it,  nor  was  the  King  alarmed  nor  disturbed  by  the  miracle  he 
had  beheld.  .  .  Right  sorry  were  the  Spaniards  for  the  violence 
the  King  had  done,  and  much  they  wept  for  it,  and  they  invented 
that  proverb  which  even  up  to  our  daymen  use  "  What  kings  will, 
that  is  law."     {Alia  van  Leycs  do  quieren  Reyes.) 

Such  was  the  manner  in  which  ecclesiastical  reform  was  carried 
out  in  those  days.  In  order  to  combat  the  opposition  of  the  native 
clergy,  which  was  still  very  strong,  the  principal  ecclesiastical  posi- 
tions were  filled  with  Frenchmen,  vigorous  supporters  of  the  rite 
they  had  introduced,  ministering  to  their  fellow-countrymen  whom 
Alfonso's  wise  rule  had  settled  in  a  separate  quarter  of  almost  every 
town  in  Spain.  As  a  small  concession  to  the  people  and  clergy  of 
the  south  who  continued  deeply  attached  to  their  old  form  of  wor- 
ship, permission  was  given  for  the  old  Spanish  or  muzdrabc  ritual  to 
be  used  in  certain  places.  This  privilege  has  been  jealously  guarded 
and,  even  to-day,  in  one  of  the  chapels  of  the  Cathedral  of  T61edo 
may  be  witnessed  the  ceremonies  which  were  once  obser\'ed  through- 
out Spain,  and  which  the  Christians  of  the  south  preserved  for  cen- 
turies when  cut  off  from  their  brethren. 


■a^^ji^^Ki^feifejiifii^ya^ii&d^MjiJKj^Ea^AM 


INDEX. 


Abbas,  dynasty  of,  12 

Abdu-1-lah,  K,  of  Granada,  205  ; 
imprisoned  by  Yusuf,  207 

Abdu-r-rahmen  I.,  12,  13 

Abdu-r-rahmen  III.,  15-18 

Abu-Bekr,  K.  of  Valencia,  156. 
See  Bekr 

Abu-Jafar  Kolai,  184,  205 

Albofalac,  135,  137 

Alcocer,  captured  by  Cid,  124 

Al-cudia,  position  of,  224  ;  taken 
by  Cid,  239 

Aledo,  castle  of,  160;  173;  be- 
sieged by  Saracens,  1S2  ;  re- 
lieved by  K.  Alfonso,  185  ; 
destroyed,   186 

Alfonso  the  Catholic,  12 

Alfonso  the  Learned,  laws  of,  7  ; 
history  of,  26  ;  builds  tomb 
for  Cid,  357 

Alfonso  el  Magno,  15 

Alfonso  VI.,  K.  of  Leon  and 
Asturias,  65  ;  defeated  at  Llan- 
tada,  67  ;  captured  at  Golpe- 
jara,  74  ;  exiled  at  Toledo,  75  ; 
escaped  from  Toledo,  100  ; 
K.  of  Leon  and  Castille,  102  ; 
takes  oath  to  the  Cid,  102  ; 
hatred  of  the  Cid,  104  ;  grati- 
tude to  Al-mamun,  107  ;  his 
jealousy  of  the  Cid,  112  ;  ban- 
ishes the  Cid,  114;  receives 
presents  from  Cid,  129;    nar- 


row escape  at  Rueda,  135  ; 
alliance  with  K.  of  Seville, 
145  ;  supposed  marriage  with 
Zayda,  daughter  of  K,  of  Se- 
ville, 147  ;  protector  of  K,  of 
Toledo,  153  ;  captures  Toledo, 
154  ;  besieges  Saragossa,  160  ; 
marches  against  Almoravides, 
168  ;  defeat  of  Zalaca,  168  ; 
preference  for  foreigners,  168  ; 
reconciliation  with  Cid,  172  ; 
marches  to  relieve  Aledo,  184  ; 
banishes  Cid,  186;  campaign 
against  Almoravides,  215  ;  at- 
tempts to  conquer  Valencia, 
221  ;  answer  to  embassy  of 
Murviedro,  336  ;  rescues  Jim- 
ena  and  burns  Valencia,  341 

Al-hakem,  18 

Al-mamun,  K.  of  Toledo,  48  ; 
hospitality  to  K.  Alfonso,  75  ; 
loi  ;  visited  by  Alfonso,  107  ; 
death  of,  114,  146 

Al-mansur,  his  early  life,  18,  19  ; 
as  Vizir,  19  ;  his  campaigns, 
20-23  ;  his  death,  23 

Almenara,  133,  334 

Almoravides,  rise  of,  162  ;  sum- 
moned to  Spain,  165  ;  siege  of 
Algeciras,  166  ;  victorious  at 
Zalaca,  168  ;  ca]-)ture  Seville. 
213  ;  at  Valencia,  226  ;  ex- 
pelled from  Valencia,  241  ; 
fail  to  rescue  Valencia,  249 ; 
take  Valencia,  341 


377 


378 


Index, 


Almoxarife,  22S 

Al-mudhaffar,  K.  of  Lerida,  130  ; 

prisoner  at  Rueda,  131,  135 
Al-muktadir,    K.    of   Saragossa, 

130 ;     imprisons   his    brother, 

Al-mudhaffar,   131;  takes  Cid 

into  his  service,  151  ;  his  death, 

132 
Al-mundhir,  K.  of  Lerida,  132  ; 

defeated  by   Cid,    134  ;    138  ; 

alliance  with    K.    of  Aragon, 

138  ;  158  ;  attempt  on  Valen- 
cia, 174  ;  178,  igo 

Al-mustain,     K.     of    Saragossa, 

139  ;  scheme  against  Valencia, 
174;  alliance  with  Count  Be- 
?enger,  178  ;  alliance  with  Cid, 
2ig  ;  schemes  against  Valen- 
cia, 238,  263,  266,  277  ;  an- 
swer to  embassy  of  Murviedro, 
336 

Al-mutamed,  K.  of  Seville,  iii, 
141  ;  friendship  with  Ibn-Am- 
mar,  142  ;  marriage  with  Iti- 
mad,  143  ;  captures  Cordova, 
145  ;  alliance  with  K.  of  Cas- 
tille,  145,  149;  kills  Ibn-Am- 
mar,  152  ;  revolts  against  K. 
Alfonso,  152  ;  summons  Al- 
moravides,  165  ;  bravery  at 
Zalaca,  169  ;  disastrous  cam- 
paign, 173  ;  embassy  to  K. 
Yusuf,  181  ;  quarrel  with  Yu- 
suf,  183  ;  revolts  against  Al- 
moravides,  208  ;  heroic  strug- 
gle, 211  ;  his  surrender,  213  ; 
his  death  and  character,  214, 
215 

Al-mutamen,  K.  of  Saragossa, 
132  ;  victories  gained  by  help 
of   Cid,    134,    138;  death   of, 

139 

Al-mutawakkel,  153,  167,  208 

Alvar  Faiiez,  70,  125,  128  ;  as 
protector  of  K.  Yahya,  156  ; 
his  exactions,  157,  167  ;  de- 
feated by  Almoravides,  211  ; 
307  ;  defeated  at  Cuenca,  341 

Al-wattan,  272,  277 

Andalus,  3 


Antolinez  (Martin),  115 
Aragon,   kingdom   of,    founded, 

14 
Arias  Gonzalo,  defender  of  Za- 

mora,  81-99 
Ar-rashid,  211,  213 
Asturias,  kingdom  of,  7 
Auguries,  125 


B 


Babieca,  legend  of,  34  ;  326,  354 
Barcelona,   county  of,  14  ;  Cid's 

visit  to,   121,  130;  Counts  of, 

132 
Battles,  method  of  arranging  in 

Middle  Ages,  42,  169 
Beard,    superstitions     connected 

with,  309,  324,  355 
Beiren,  battle  of,  332 
Bekr,  sons  of,  156,  158 
Bellido  Dolfos,  86  ;  his  treach- 
ery, 87,  89  ;  murders  K.   San- 

cho,  90 
Beni-Hud,    Kings   of  Saragossa, 

130 
Beni-Tahir.      See  Ibn-Tahir. 
Berbers,  revolt  of,  11 
Berenger,    Count  of   Barcelona, 

132  ;  alliance  with  Al-mundhir, 

133  ;  taken  prisoner,  134;  148  ; 
ally  of  Al-mustain,  178  ;  cam- 
paign against  Cid,  igr  ;  letter 
to  Cid,  193  ;  prisoner  of  Cid, 
198  ;  reconciliation  with  Cid, 
202-203  ;  337 


C 


Calatanazor,  battle  of,  22 
Campeador,  meaning  of,  30*31 
Cardena,  monastery  of  San   Pe- 
dro de,  122,  342,  353 
Carrion,  Counts  of,  305  ;  legend 

of,  306-330 
Castille,  county  of,  17 
Castrejon  captured  by  Cid,  122 
Cebolla  or  el  Puig,  besieged  by 
Cid,  232  ;  fall  of,  237  ;  dwell- 
ing of  Cid,  278 


Index. 


379 


Challenges,  94-95,  322  ;  Appen- 
dix I. 
Charles  the  Great,  13 
Charles  V.,  the  Emperor,  358 
Chronicle  of  the  Cid,  360 
Church,  the,  as  centre  of  national 

life,  9 
Cid,  ancestry  of,  27,  28  ;  names 
of,  28-31  ;  date  of  birth,  32  ; 
relatives  of,  33  ;  legends  of 
his  youth,  33-61  ;  his  marriage, 
37  ;  his  legendary  campaign  in 
France,  52-58 ;  is  knighted, 
59  ;  becomes  standard-bearer 
to  Sancho  el  Bravo,  67,  71  ; 
at  battle  of  Golpejara,  72  ;  as 
herald  at  Zamora,  80  ;  exiled 
by  K.  Sancho,  83  ;  returns  to 
Zamora,  84  ;  feats  of  arms, 
85,  90 ;  his  position  at  K. 
Sancho's  death,  93  ;  exacts 
oath  from  K.  Alfonso,  102  ; 
hated  by  K.  Alfonso,  104  ; 
marriage  of,  105  ;  as  champion 
in  single  combat,  107  ;  his 
mission  to  Seville,  m  ;  de- 
feats Garcia  de  Cabra,  m  ; 
campaign  against  the  Moors, 
113  ;  is  banished,  114;  plays 
trick  on  the  Jews,  115  ;  visits 
Barcelona,  12  [  ;  takes  service 
at  Saragossa,  121  ;  captures 
Castrejon,  122  ;  captures  Al- 
cocer,  124  ;  sends  embassy  to 
K.  Alfonso,  128  ;  at  Saragossa, 
130  ;  captures  Count  of  Bar- 
celona, 134 ;  takes  castle  of 
Rueda,  137  ;  attempted  recon- 
ciliation with  K.  Alfonso,  137; 
foray  in  Aragon,  137  ;  victory 
over  combined  allies,  139  ; 
reconciliation  with  K.  Alfonso, 
172  ;  schemes  against  Valencia, 
174,  176  ;  his  duplicity,  177  ; 
protector  of  Valencia,  180  ; 
fails  to  join  K.  Alfonso,  185  ; 
again  banished,  186  ;  his  justi- 
fication, 1 88  ;  campaigns  in 
south,  190  ;  his  letter  to  Count 
of   Barcelona,    194 ;    captures 


Count  of  Barcelona,  19S  ;  alli- 
ance with  Count  of  Barcelona, 
202  ;  his  ambition  and  re- 
sources, 204 ;  reconciliation 
with  K.  Alfonso,  215;  again 
outlawed,  217  ;  harries  Valen- 
cia, 219 ;  alliance  with  Al- 
mustain,  219  ;  campaign 
against  Castille,  222  ;  letter  to 
Ibn-Jehaf,  231  ;  besieges  Ce- 
bolla,  232,  237 ;  takes  Al- 
cudia,  239  ;  alliance  with  re- 
volted Almoravides,  242  ;  feat 
of  arms  at  Albarracin,  244  ; 
his  policy,  252  ;  treatment  of 
Ibn-Jehaf,  258  ;  his  cruelty, 
270  ;  captures  Valencia,  280  ; 
his  treatment  of  Valencians, 
281-289  I  ^^  independent 
Prince  of  Valencia,  289  ;  cru- 
elty and  avarice,  289-293  ; 
encroachments  at  Valencia, 
294 ;  defeats  Almoravides, 
295  ;  measures  to  check  deser- 
tion, 300  ;  numbers  of  his 
men,  301  ;  appoints  a  bishop, 

302  ;    treatment   of   Saracens, 

303  ;  wider  ambition,  304 ; 
alliance  with  K.  of  Aragon, 
304 ;  legend  of  marriage  of 
his  daughters,  306-330 ;  vic- 
tory at  Beiren,  332  ;  captures 
Murviedro,  338  ;  failing  health, 

340  ;  his  piety,  340  ;  his  death, 

341  ;  legendary  account  of  his 
death  and  burial,  343-355  ; 
honour  paid  to  him  after  death, 
355,  356  ;  bones  removed,  357- 
360 ;  his  descendants,  360  ; 
Saracen  opinion  of,  361 

Collada,  sword  of  the  Cid,  198, 
310,  320,  327 

Combats,  judicial,  31,  38,  40,  42, 
94  ;  conditions  of,  98,  109. 
32S  ;  Appendix  I. 

Compostela,  fame  of,  14  ;  plun- 
dered by  Saracens,  22  ;  Cid's 
pilgrimage  to,  38  ;  K.  Fernan- 
do's  pilgrimage  to,  59 

Cordova,  kingdom  of,  12  ;  khali- 


38o 


Index, 


fate  of,  i6,  24  ;  magnificence 
of,  17  ;  captured  by  Berbers, 
24  ;  as  republic,  24 


E 


Elvira,  daughter  of  the  Cid,  37, 

306 
Elvira,    Infanta,    inherits    Toro, 

66  ;  deprived  by  K.   Sancho, 

78 
Emperor     Charles    V.    honours 

Cid,  358 


Fernando  I.,  K.  of  Castille  and 
Leon,  wars  and  conquests  of, 
43-49  ;  fortifies  Zamora,  49  ; 
collects  relics,  56  ;  takes  Co- 
imbra,  59 ;  his  piety,  62  ;  his 
death,  64 ;  division  of  king- 
dom, 65  ;  his  children,  65 

Fernan  Gonzalez,  17 

Fetwa  deposing  princes  of  An- 
dalus,  206,  209 

France,  legend  of  invasion  of, 
by  Cid,  52-58 


Garcia  de  Cabra,  43,  iii,  222 
Garcia  III.  of  Navarre,  43  ;  his 

death,  46 
Garcia,    K.   of  Galicia,   66  ;  his 

aggressions,    67  ;    attacked  by 

K.    Sancho,    68  ;    imprisoned, 

71  ;   his  death,  106 
Garci  Fernandez,  18,  21 
Garci  Sanchez,  25 
Geronimo.      See  Hieronimo 
Gil  Diaz,  303,  346,  348 
Golpejara,  battle  of,  72 
Gormaz,  Conde  de,  34 
Goths,  kingdom  of,  in  Spain,  2 
Grades,  battle  of,  60 
Granada,    foray  in,    159  ;    taken 

by  Yusuf,  207 
Guadalete,  battle  of,  2 


H 


Hieronimo,    Bishop,    297,    302, 

303 
Hisham  I.,  13 
Hisham  II,,  18,  19,  24 


Ibn-Abdus,  277,  287 
Ibn-Al-faraj,  224,  225,  226 
Ibn-Ammar,   142  ;    is  banished, 

144  ;  returns  to  Seville,  144  ; 
trick  played  on  Alfonso  VI., 
147  ;  his  vanity  and  ambition, 

145  ;  his  fall,  150  ;  treacher- 
ous conduct,  151  ;  his  death, 
152 

Ibn-As-Sakka,   145 
Ibn-Ayisha,  225,  233,  277,   295, 

331,  341 

Ibn-Jehaf  heads  revolution  at 
Valencia,  225  ;  his  vanity  and 
folly,  229 ;  his  unpopularity, 
246  ;  again  in  favour,  256  ;  ex- 
pels Beni-Tahir,  256  ;  meeting 
with  Cid,  257  :  his  despair, 
260 ;  negotiations  with  Al- 
mustain,  263  ;  submission  of, 
277  ;  given  up  to  Cid,  288  ; 
his  death,  291 

Ibn-Labbun,  156,  158,  175,  180 

Ibn-Mushish,  266,  268 

Ibn-Rashik,  149,  150,  173,  183 

Ibn-Razin,  243,  334,  336 

Ibn-Tahir,  148,  175,  234,  246, 
248,251,  255,  256,  293  ;  letter 
of,  342 

Ibn-Ukasha,  146 

Islam,  milder  spirit  of,  3,  4 

J 

Jaime  el  Conquistador,  361 
Jews,  aid  Saracen  Conquest,  2,  5; 
legend   of    the    Cid  and    the, 

115 
Jew,  story  of  the,  and  Cid's  body, 

355 
Jimena,  wife  of  the  Cid,  37,  105, 
351,  352,  354 


Index. 


381 


K 

Khalifs  of  Damascus,  10  ;  title 
assumed  by  Abdu-r-rhaman, 
16 


Llantada,  battle  of,  67 
U 

Moors,  meaning  of,  5 
Murviedro,     besieged     by     Al- 

mundhir,   190,   333  ;    captured 

by  Cid,  338 
Muzarabes,  4,  6  ;  their  condition, 

16.  278,  302 
Muzarabic  ritual,  Appendix  III. 

N 

Navarre,  kingdom   of,   founded, 

O 

Ordonez,  Diego,  challenges 
Zamora,  94  ;  fights  with  sons 
of  Arias  Gonzalo,  96,  97 

Ordono,  314,  316 


Partidas  (Xas  Siete),  8 

Pedro,  K.  of  Aragon,   304,   331, 

333 
Pelaez  (Martin),  legend  of,  273 
Poeina   del     Cid,     114  ;    extracts 

from,  115,  295,  312 
Pono  Bermudez,  127,  307,  323 
Pun  del  Cid,  334 


R 


Rachel  and  Vidas,  115,  120 

Ramiro,  K.  of  Aragon,  61 

Re-conquest,  beginnings  of,  7,  10 

Roncesvalles,  13 

Rueda,  battle  of,  20 

Rueda,  Castle  of,  131,  135,  136 


Saguntum,  see  Murviedro 


St.  Lazarus,  Legend  of,  38 
Salvadores   (Gonzalo),  death  of, 

135 

Sancho  el  Bravo,  K.  of  Castille, 
65  ;  invades  Navarre,  66  ;  de- 
feats his  brother,  67  ;  invades 
Galicia,  68  ;  seizes  Leon,  72  ; 
king  of  three  kingdoms,  77  ; 
besieges  Zamora,  78  ;  death 
of,  90-93 

Sancho  el  Mayor,  25 

Sancho  Ramirez,  K.  of  Aragon, 
61,  66,  132,  219,  221,  243,  244, 
304 

Sanchos  (battle  of  Three),  62,  66 

San  Isidoro,  relics  of,  51  ;  church 
of,  at  Leon,  52 

Santa  Gadea,  oath  of,  103 

Santiago,  legend  of,  59 

Saracens,  conquer  Spain,  1-3  ; 
rule  of,  3-26  ;  defeated  by 
Franks  ii  ;  civil  wars  of,  11 

Saragossa,  the  Cid  at,  130  ;  kings 
of,  130 

Seville,  besieged  by  Almoravides, 
210  ;  surrender  of,  213 

Seyr  Ibn-Abu-Bekr,  210,  212 

Simancas,  battle  of,  17 

Sol,  daughter  of  Cid,  37,  306 

Spain,  conquest  by  Saracens, 
1-3  ;  under  Saracen  rule,  3-26 

Spaniards,  intolerance  and  cru- 
elty, 6  ;  religious  spirit  of,  9 


Tizona,  sword  of  the  Cid,  310, 
320,  327 

Todmir,  kingdom  of,  2 

Toledo,  strength  of,  76  ;  Alfonso 
resolves  to  conquer,  107  ; 
kings  of,  114  ;  under  protec- 
tion of  K.  of  Castille,  153  ; 
captured,  154  ;  mosque  dedi- 
cated, 155 

U 

Ummeyahs,  dynasty,  12,  24 
Urraca,    Infanta  Dona,  inherits 
Zamora,   66 ;    intercedes    for 


Index, 


her  brother  Alfonso,  74  ;  at- 
tacked by  K.  Sancho,  78  ;  be- 
sieged in  Zamora,  78  ;  her  love 
for  the  Cid,  79,  83 


Val  de  Junquera,  battle  of,  16 
Valencia,  rival  claimants  for 
crown,  156  ;  oppressed  by 
Yahya,  157  ;  besieged  by  Al- 
mustain,  178  ;  attacked  by 
Cid,  218,  revolution  at,  226  ; 
a  republic,  231 ;  contemplated 
surrender,  240  ;  pays  tribute 
to  Cid,  241  ;  revolts  against 
Cid,  247  ;  famine  at,  250  ; 
dirge  of,  253  ;  severity  of 
famine,  262  ;  surrenders,  2S0 ; 
oppressed  by  Cid,  294  ;  taken 
by  Almoravides,  341  ;  recon- 
quered, 361 

Y 

Yahya  Al-kadir,  K.   of    Toledo, 


114  ;  character  of,  153  ;  calls  in 
Alfonso  of  Castille,  153  ; 
claims  Valencia,  154;  seizes 
Valencia,  156;  his  folly,  158, 
159.'  liis  helplessness,  176; 
his  death,  228 
Yusuf  Ibn-Tashefin,  the  Almor- 
avide,  character  of,  163  ;  lands 
in  Spain,  167  ;  gains  battle  of 
Zalaca,  170;  returns  to  Africa, 
171  ;  his  schemes,  181  ;  again 
in  Spain,  182,  184;  urged  to 
conquer  Andalus,  205  ;  takes 
Granada,  207  ;  returns  to 
Africa,  209  ;  again  in  Spain, 
244;  295 


Zalaca,  battle  of,  168  ;  effects  of 

171 
Zamora  fortified,  49  ;  siege  of,  78 
Zayda,   daughter  of    K.  of  Se- 
ville, 146 


Iberoes  of  the  IRationa 

EDITED   BY 

EVELYN  ABBOTT,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  Balliol  College,  Oxford. 


A  Series  of  biographical  studies  of  the  Hves  and  work 
of  a  number  of  representative  historical  characters  about 
whom  have  gathered  the  great  traditions  of  the  Nations 
to  which  they  belonged,  and  who  have  been  accepted,  in 
many  instances,  as  types  of  the  several  National  ideals. 
With  the  life  of  each  typical  character  will  be  presented 
a  picture  of  the  National  conditions  surrounding  him 
during  his  career. 

The  narratives  are  the  work  of  writers  who  are  recog- 
nized authorities  on  their  several  subjects,  and,  while 
thoroughly  trustworthy  as  history,  will  present  picturesque 
and  dramatic  "stories  "  of  the  Men  and  of  the  events  con- 
nected with  them. 

To  the  Life  of  each  "  Hero  "  will  be  given  one  duo- 
decimo volume,  handsomely  printed  in  large  type,  pro- 
vided with  maps  and  adequately  illustrated  according  to 
the  special  requirements  of   the   several   subjects.     The 
volumes  will  be  sold  separately  as  follows: 
Cloth  extra       .......        5j. 

Roxburg,  uncut  edges,  gilt  top        .         .         .         .        6.f. 


The  following  are  now  ready  (Sept.,  1897): 

Nelson,  and  the  Naval  Supremacy  of  England.  By  W.  Clark 
Russell,  author  of  "  The  Wreck  of  the  Grosvenor,"  etc. 

Gustavus  Adolphus,  and  the  Struggle  of  Protestantism  for  Exist- 
ence.    By  C.  R.  L.  Fletcher,  M.A.,  late  Fellow  of  All  Souls  College. 

Pericles,  and  the  Golden  Age  of  Athens.     By  Evelyn  Abbott,  M.A. 

Theodoric  the  Goth,  the  Barbarian  Champion  of  Civilisation.  By 
Thomas  Hodgkln,  author  of  "  Italy  and  Her  Invaders,"  etc. 

Sir  Philip  Sidney,  and  the  Chivalry  of  England.  By  H.  R.  Fox- 
bourne,  author  of  "  The  Life  of  John  Locke,"  etc. 

Julius  Caesar,  and  the  Organisation  of  the  Roman  Empire.  By  W. 
Warde  Fowler,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  Lincoln  College,  Oxford. 

John  Wyclif,  Last  of  the  Schoolmen  and  First  of  the  English  Re- 
formers.    By  Lewis  Sergeant,  author  of  "  New  Greece,"  etc. 

Napoleon,  Warrior  and  Ruler,  and  the  Military  Supremacy  of 
Revolutionary  France.     By  W.  O'Connor  Morris. 

Henry  of  Navarre,  and  the  Huguenots  of  France.  By  P.  F.  Willert, 
M.A.,  Fellow  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford. 

Cicero,  and  the  Fall  of  the  Roman  Republic.  By  J.  L.  Strachan 
Davidson,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  Balliol  College,  Oxford. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  and  the  Downfall  of  American  Slavery.  By 
Noah  Brooks. 

Prince  Henry  (of  Portugal)  the  Navigator,  and  the  Age  of  Dis- 
covery,     By  C.  R.  Beazley,  Fellow  of  Merton  College,  Oxford. 

Julian  the  Philosopher,  and  the  Last  Struggle  of  Paganism  against 
Christianity.     By  Alice  Gardner. 

Louis  XIV.,  and  the  Zenith  of  the  French  Monarchy.  By  Arthur 
Hassall,  M.A.,  Senior  Student  of  Christ  Church  College,  Oxford. 

Charles  XII.,  and  the  Collapse  of  the  Swedish  Empire,  1682-1719. 
By  R.  NiSBET  Bain. 

Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  and  Florence  in  the  15th  Century.  By  Edward 
Armstrong,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  Queen's  College,  Oxford, 

Jeanne  d'Arc,     Her  Life  and  Death.     By  Mrs.  Oliphant, 

Christopher  Columbus.  His  Life  and  Voyages.  By  Washington 
Irving. 

Robert  the  Bruce,  and  the  Struggle  for  Scottish  Independence. 
By  Sir  Herbert  Maxwell,  M.P. 

Hannibal,  Soldier,  Statesman,  Patriot ;  and  the  Crisis  of  the  Strug- 
gle between  Carthage  and  Rome.  By  W.  O'Connor  Morris, 
Sometime  Scholar  of  Oriel  College,  Oxford. 

Ulysses  S.  Grant,  and  the  Period  of  National  Preservation  and 
Reconstruction.     By  Lieut. -Col,  William  Conant  Church. 

Robert  E.  Lee,  and  the  Southern  Confederacy,  1 807-1 870.  By 
Prof,  Henry  Alexander  White,  of  Washington  and  Lee  University. 

The  Cid  Campeador,  and  the  Waning  of  the  Crescent  in  the  West. 
By  H.  Butler  Clarke,  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Oxford. 

To  be  followed  by  : 

Moltke,  and  the  Military  Supremacy  of  Germany.  By  Spencer 
Wilkinson,  University  of  London. 

Bismarck.  The  New  German  Empire,  How  it  Arose  and  What  it 
Displaced.     By  W.  J,  Headlam,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  King's  College. 

Judas  Maccabaeus,  the  Conflict  between  Hellenism  and  Hebraism. 
By  Israel  Abrahams,  author  of  the  "  Jews  in  the  Middle  Ages." 

Henry  V.,  the  English  Hero  King.  By  Charles  L.  Kingsford,  joint- 
author  of  the  "  Story  of  the  Crusades," 

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